1. The strategic importance of Porto Kagio and the actions for the erection and demolition of the castle in the period 1569-1570

“In 1569 some important events turned the attention of the sultan to Peloponnese. The rebellion of the Maniots in Peloponnese led captain pasha to bring back the order. Ten ships arrived to Mani in order to rebuild a castle that would control the descendants of Sparta (according to the 24th May 1569 report of the Venetian Barbaro, as it is mentioned in the work of the Austrian Hammer: ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΟΘΩΜΑΝΙΚΗΣ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΙΑΣ, volume 5, page 39)”.

The castle which was built in 1569 (Turciotogli-Olimnionas or Monige as it was called by the Venetians and Castro di Maina as it was called by the locals) was occupied by the Venetian admiral Querini in June 1570. The occupation took place during his way from Hania towards Corfu with landing operation from the sea but also with the simultaneous attack of a force from land with the help of the Maniots of the area. The operation was rather easy under the combined fires from sea and land. The Turks in the beginning gathered in one of the towers of the castle and, following, under the pressure of the attackers who turned the rest of the canons against them, they surrendered with a treaty. After its occupation, the castle was demolished so as not to be used again in the future nor impede the sail of the Venetian fleet towards the Aegean and Crete, whereas Querini took with him all the ammunition of the castle and its defendants as prisoners.

The fact of the demolition of the castle is indirectly attested by Turkish documents which were published in the following years and to which there are mentioned cancellations of sending soldiers there. For this reason, in the next period the Ottomans in their operations from the sea use mostly landings to the bay of Kolokythia (Kotrona).

The demolition of the castle which equals with the eviction of the Ottomans from the only secure place of surveillance of Mani is accompanied by intense rebellious feelings; the first sign being the intrusion to the neighbouring Turkish areas, such as Kalamata to the west and Sidirokastro and Bardounia to the east. The military actions were victorious and forced the Turks to deprive themselves in the castles of those areas. During this revolutionary period 1570-1571 the Maniots asked from the Venetians arms in order to achieve the occupation of a castle that would protect them in case of counterattack of the Ottomans with powerful troops as well as their protection from the sea in case there showed up in the area a Turkish fleet.

During this period there are two operations of the Maniots mentioned in the sea centred in the area of Porto Kagio. In the first one, the inhabitants of Lagia imprisoned the Turkish commercial ship (fousta), which transferred wheat and fat. The attackers Maniots from Lagia apart from the merchandise arrested 12 prisoners. In the second one, while the Venetian ship which was at porto Kagio was after a small Turkish boat that had approached Marmari coming from Hania the three passengers came out to the shore to save themselves and were arrested by the Maniots. One of them was the agas of the castle Porto Kagio which had been conquered the year before. It seems that he was set free from the first imprisonment but came back to the area to evaluate the possibility of rebuilding the castle and he was imprisoned again by the Maniots this time.

1. The Pasha of Ioannina Aslan campaigns in 1614 to Mani. Events that happened before and after.

Ba. The “supervision” of the movements of the Maniots by the Turks.

The participation of the Maniots in all the revolutionary movements during the 17th century had led the Turks to the formation of a system of supervision with the construction or maintenance of castles at the borders of Mani. This system, after the demolition of the castle built in Porto Kagio by the Venetians and the Maniots, included the castles of Passava, Bardounia, Arna and Sidirokastro. The first one closely observed the movements of the ships in the sea, whereas the rest aimed at the control of the attacks outside Mani to the areas that were under the Turkish rule. The Passava castle due to the close distance from the sea was rather vulnerable to assaults. As mentioned by Hammer to his work History of the Ottoman Empire, it was occupied in 1600 by the Maniots. From the files that came out to the light of research there is information relevant to this event regarding the time that its occupation lasted.

However, we can assume that this movement resulted from the encouragement of the Maniots by the presence of the Christian fleet at their coasts, either Spanish or of the knights of Saint John that before a few decades had been defeated by the Turks and were evicted to Rhodes and were in search of a secure dwelling and at that time they ended up in Malta after the permission of the French. In order to deal with all these leagues the Turks appointed duties to the pirates of North Africa having formed a long lasting cooperation with them. After the death of the famous pirate Hairedin Barbarosa, the control of the seaways to the Mediterranean on behalf of the Turks passed on to the Muslim pirate Musolin Reis.

Bb. The battles of 1614 and the strategic success of Musolin Reis.

In 1614 a new military success of the Maniots started, although it ended up with a strategic defeat. The area where the events took place was the bay of Kolokythia (Kotronas) for the naval operations and the northern mountainous area for the land operations. The encouragement of the Maniots by the arrival of a great number of Spanish ships to Porto Kagio led them to attack the neighboring Turkish castles that resulted to the occupation of Passava and the loss of the life of 500 Turks. This event, though, pushed the sultan to send powerful force of army headed by the pasha of Ioannina Aslan and fleet headed by the Muslim pirate Musolin Reis, who knew the land of Mani due to pirate operations in the previous years.

The last one with a strategic ploy, faking withdrawal, surrounded the combatant Maniot bodies, whereas the Turkish forces occupied a large part of the Maniot land (four out of the seven big mountains), whereas in the battles almost 600 Maniots lost their lives. After the pursuit of the Maniot troops and their push off to the mountainous areas, the Turkish army returned to their bases collecting many of the animals the Maniots had taken with them when they had left for the mountains. They also arrested hundreds of prisoners, even those who came for negotiation. The loot of the campaign was collected at the Turkish ships that had anchored below the fortress of Neokastro at the port of Pylos.

For this success, Musolin Reis was rewarded with the administration of Mystras (that apart from Laconia went up to Messinia, up to the area of Methoni). The Maniots afterwards pulled back to the mountains (shelters and cages), and those that were left in the lowland temporarily accepted the situation and the payment of tax that was imposed on them. These events took place in August and September 1614 and the winner Musolin Reis had already planned in the following year to campaign from Mystra in order to occupy the rest part of Mani. (Characteristic narration of the events derives from the files of Venice, where from the historian K. Mertzios drew documents with the relevant information that were collected by the Venetian officers from their spies in Mani and from sailor men who realized the commercial trips amongst Zante that was under the Venetian rule and the neighboring areas. In the appendix three of them are published)

APPENDIX

1614. Zante 8th September 1614. The Intendant submits to the Doge the report of the sent spy as soon as he came back from Mani.

Testimony of Dionysios Athinaios sent to Moreas: “Eight days ago I arrived to the arm of Mani at the location Passava, where the Turkish army was. They told me that the Turkish fleet sailed off to Navarino, where they arrived after two days and saw 75 Turkish galleys anchored there. I heard that within a distance of 15 miles at the location Prodano, two Turkish ships had been sent by Kapoudan Pasha in order to spy the movements of the Spanish fleet. They were attacked by two Spanish ships and after a short fray the Turkish ships were captured by the Spanish. They say that the Turkish army consisted by 30.000 men and that amongst them there are 7 Greeks, Turkish subjects. They arrived from the neighboring places and 2000 more Turks with guns and they were all ready to campaign against the Maniots, as the Turks were furious against them since the Maniots had killed in the recent time almost 500 Turks, whereas they only had lost 60 men dead or prisoners. Asked how many were the Maniots that can carry guns, he replied that they are about 20.000, under different captains who are waiting with great eagerness the Spanish fleet without the help of which they cannot do it as they don’t have enough ammunition and if it is needed they will escape to the mountains. When he was asked where the Maniots keep their families, he replied that they are secured in the caves. It is said that the Turks lack food and that the Maniots have burnt the grass of the plains in order to deprive the animals of the Turks from food and poisoned some of the wells, whereas they kept for their own use other hidden wells, unknown to the Turks….”

Bc. The military events of 1615 (new intrusion and defeat of Muselin Reis and return of Aslan Pasha). The luck of the Maniot prisoners in 1614.

The first months of 1615, Muselin Reis set off from Mystras with 1000 armed soldiers in order to complete the occupation of Mani and to collect the submission taxes in the areas he had conquered the previous year. In the areas of Mani, he passed from, he asked the inhabitants to surrender their guns. In one of these visits, according to what is described by the spies of Venice, a priest replied to him that Maniots were not women and they wouldn’t surrender their guns. Then, Muselin Reis ordered his men to beat the priest and then hang him. This event infuriated the Maniots who attacked the armed soldiers and after a vicious battle, beat them, killing 800 of them and massacred Musolin Reis. Only 200 of them managed to escape.

In order to deal with the situation after the murder of Musolin Reis by the Maniots, Aslan the Pasha of Ioannina was ordered to come back to Mani so as to bring back the order in the area. For this reason he waited apart from the land forces and reinforcements via sea from the Pashas of Evia and Nauplio according to the promise of the Bezir Xalil who was at that time Kapoudan Pasha.

The Spanish who were informed about the success of the Ottomans in 1614 in Mani and the military events at the beginning of 1615 sent to the Maniot waters at the end of the summer, their ships for nautical surveillance and obstruction of the Turkish fleet. Aslan Pasha who had gathered 25.000 armed men attempted with this excessive military force to submit the west areas of Mani that were still free. He attempted to come close to the mountainous regions starting from Kalamata, whereas the centre of his operations was the Byzantine Zarnata (Kabos Avias). The Spanish fleet that from Porto Kagio entered the Messinia Bay (Koroni Bay, as it was called at that time) with an intelligent plan decimated the Turkish troops that took the ships for their own. This Spanish contribution and the fact that winter was approaching, during which all military operations, especially in the mountains, stopped.

Finally, all though he approached the hideouts where the Maniot soldiers had escaped to, he didn’t manage to have a battle and so the situation after his departure remained with the Ottoman occupation in its typical form, considering that the majority of the inhabitants had left to the mountainous areas of Taygetus and lived free.

It is certain that Aslan Pasha after the definite withdrawal from Mani took with him the Maniots as his prisoners in 1614. In combination with another information for the actions of the bishop of Mani for the liberation of his compatriots in 1616, but also with a relevant tradition of the inhabitants of the island of the lake of Ioannina, they are the descendants of the Maniot prisoners of 1614.

Appendix: a) report of the Intendant of Zante to the Doge of Venice relative to the narrated events, b) extract relevant to the bishop of Mani from a report of the Intendant of Corfu to the Doge and c) publication of Con. Mertzios for the inhabitants of the island of Ioannina to «Ηπειρωτική Εστία» In 1961.

1. Introduction

The development of Gythion (Marathonisi according to the medieval name) during the recent past starts with the occupation of the Passava castle  in 1781 and the expansion of the borders of Mani up to Trinisa and the area over there. Then, they realized the great importance of the port and vast migration started from other areas of Mani and also from Lacedaemon and other areas in further distances. The migrations, at the 40 years that followed, up to the revolution in 1821 but also in the following decades after the foundation of the new Hellenic state are directly connected to the need to find a building place. This would be preferable to be close to the port where from the commercial activity of the general area of Laconia took place. Under these necessities social events are formed in this period which are connected to the Sacred Monastery of Agios Jeorgios in Gythion which nowadays is Agios Jeorgios, the Metropolitan cathedral of Gythion.

1. The beginning of the foundation of the Monastery

The Monastery of Agios Jeorgios was the glebe of the sacred Monastery Zerbitsa, which in its turn was Stavropigian Monastery under the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. The devoting action of the families Grigorakis and Kalkandis who were the main donators of the land from which the monks made a living goes back to 1759 (in the appendix A the devoting action is published, as it was saved at the monastery Zerbitsa). The area of Gyhtion where the monastery was, submits to the Episcopate Karyoupoli, whereas  close to Zerbitsa Monastery was the Episcopate Maltsini, in the village Melitini of Bardounohoria. These Episcopates didn’t have administrative jurisdiction to the Monasteries, the Abbots of which were appointed by the Sacred Congress of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the administrative and spiritual activities were realized after the agreement of the Patriarchate.

The reason that led to the particular action of donation is not known, it is inferred by the condition that exists in it, according to which the donators wished that the administration of the assets of the monastery is done by the abbot to appointment of whom they would agree. It seems that the passing of this jurisdiction to the Patriarchate and the Congress created safety for the handling of the donations according to the purposes for which the donation took place.

1. Actions for the change of use to the land of the Monastery

From the pre-Revolutionary texts which are maintained at the files of the Sacred Monastery Zerbitsa, it is obvious that the big real estate fortune of the Monastery of Agios Jeorgios in combination to the great demand of land  near the port led to attempts to offer the land without the agreement of the abbot-council. The ones who acted like that were the Metropolitan of Lacedaemon Daniel and one of the fallen Patriarchs. It seems that these actions didn’t come through until the revolution in 1821 and the monastery preserved its assets. This is realized by the will of the monk Paisios (published in the Appendix B) which gives at the same time important information about the life at Gythion in 1808.

1. The developments after 1821

The ecclesiastic organization in the liberated new-Hellenic state soon ended in the foundation of the independent church of Greece which consisted of the Episcopates and the Monasteries in the geographical area of the Greek State at that time. The Monastery of Agios Jeorgios became part of the Episcopate Karyoupoli, its center was Karyoupoli in the beginning and Gythion later on. Soon it was renamed to Episcopate of Gythion in the first years of the 20th century and was united with the Episcopate Vytilo to which the Episcopates of West Mani had merged and became the Metropolis of Gythion and Vytilo which is the ecclesiastic expression all over Mani.

APPENDIX A

THE DEVOTING ACT TO THE MONASTERY OF GRIGORIANOS AND KALKANDIDOS FAMILY

13th February 1759, the monastery Agios Jeorgios in Marathonisi.

With the present letter, we, the following committee of Gligorianos and Kalantianis family certify;  today we found it reasonable and because of our good will and the memorial service of our parents and ours, and we offer all that there is at the monastery of Marathonisi of the respectable monastery of the sacred monastery of so called Theotokos Zerpiztiotisa and with the present abbot priest Joachim Mavrodakis and we bonded both so that the saint abbot takes care of it with the guidance of God and the grace of the saint Jeorgios. We make it clear with the death of the abbot that we are asked, the above committee, for the management, in order to record the belongings of the monastery one by one; cows 11, sheep and goats 30, sauce pan with lid 1, frying pan 1, gun 1 and fishing boat 1 and the land of the monastery at the old town 2 pieces; at Kotzirianika 1 piece.

This is how the present document ends and is signed and was given to the widow of the above abbot

We declare the above Gligorianos and Kalkantianos family

Kolokotronis (and Nikitaras) in Mani

On the 6th January 1821, Kolokotronis after a written order by Ypsilantis arrived in Mani from Zante, where he served in the English army from the rank of major. He was accompanied by 6 fellow soldiers who were hosted in Kardamyli by the captain Panagiotis Mourtzinos. He was followed in February by Nikitas Stamatelopoulos (Nikitaras). The Ottoman administration was really upset by this event, as they thought that after the eviction of the klephts 15 years ago and the extermination of the majority of them and the flee of the rest of them they had put down the tendency of the enslaved Greeks to throw off the yoke. They asked for information from the Bey of Mani Petros Mavromihalis about the reasons of Kolokotronis’ stay in Mani. Petrobeys replied to the agha of Kalamata that Kolokotronis came to Mani persecuted and to save his life that was threatened. Kolokotronis stay in Mani contributed, due to his reputation, to the formation of a warlike climate in the area. At the end of February 1821, Papaflessas arrived in Mani as a supporter of Philiki Eteria (Society of Friends) so as to boost in his own volcanic way its goals regarding the revolt of the enslaved Greeks against the ruler. One of the promises he gave to Mani was a ship filled with guns.

The invitation of the potentates and priests in Tripoli

The Ottomans seeking for security and to quiet down the rumours for a revolt, invited the potentates and priests of Peloponnese in Tripoli. The first to arrive in Tripoli, in order to dissolve the rumours, was the second son of Petrobeys Anastasios, on the 22nd February. He took the place of his father, as he was initially called, and he claimed health reasons. There followed eight priests (along with Daniel from Tripoli), Filotheos from Dimitsana, Grigoris from Nauplio, Germanos from Christianoupoli, Chrysanthos from Monemvasia, Joseph from Androusa, Cyril from Corinth, Filaretos from Oleni, Grigorios from Lacaedemon. Also the potentates: Alexios Oikonomos, Theodoros Deligiannis, Ioannis Perroukas, Sotirios Notaras, Meletis Kopanitsas, Andreas Kalamogdartis, Ioannis Vilaetis, Jiannoulis Kyriakos, Ioannis Karamanos, Ioannis Tomaras, Antonios Karapatas and Nikolaos Georgakopoulos. The response to the invitation of the commandant of Tripoli who substituted Choursit Pasha due to the campaign of the last one against Ali Pasha of Ioannina led to the abortion of the extensive massacre they would go to in order to prevent the rumored revolt in Peloponnese. Unfortunately, the development was not good for the coming representatives in Tripoli of the enslaved Greeks of Peloponnese. After they were initially put in restriction after the outburst of the revolution, they were put in prison and finally after the liberation of Tripoli from Greeks only few of them were found alive.

The events before the battle

The pasha of Ioannina Alis Tepelenlis defected and by the order of the Sultan was being closely besieged at Ioannina by numerous Turkish troops since July 1820. Pasombeys was initially the commander in chief and later Hoursit. Then, Ali for his own interest called for help the Souliotes, who were at that time in exile in Corfu, and promised them the eternal freedom of their country.

After the defeat and the death of Ali Pasha (24-1-1822), Omer Vryonis by the order of Hoursit attacks Souli with the force of 14.000 Turk-Albanians. Souliotes couldn’t resist anymore due to lack of food and ammunition and so they asked for the help of the government of Mavrokordatos. It was decided, then, by the government to send foot soldiers through Arta under the command of Al. Mavrokordatos. On 4th July 1822, close to Peta of Arta, Mavrokordatos’ forces that moved by land were utterly annihilated.

The landing of the Maniot troops at Splantza and the relevant battle

It was immediately decided to supply to the besieged ones food and ammunition. This difficult and of great importance mission was taken over, in the middle of June, by Kyriakoulis Mavromichalis with 500 compatriots from Mani along with Ioannis Rozikotsikas and men from Mesologi. Aiming to help the besieged Souliotes at Kiafa, he moved to Mourtou’s port, where due to his unexpected actions many Turks were captured and sent to Peloponnese.

In the meantime, though, he was asked by the English commissioner at Eptanisa Thomas Maitland to move away from these waters, which were in the area of Parga, which was an English occupation. He was forced, then, to move and to occupy Splantza at the river mouth of Acheron (Kalama) and chose for a base the Church of Agia Eleni. The preparation for the first dash launched, but his actions were made known to the Turks because of treachery. For this reason, in the morning of 16th July 1822, almost 4000 Turk-Albanian horse riders, experienced and skilled in battles within swamps (as is the specific one near the mouth of Acheronta), under the command of Moustafabey of Tripoli, they attacked without warning against the Greek military camp. The battle started and went on really fiercely. The warriors who surrounded Kyriakoulis had their locations near the customs station and effectively fought off the attackers and caused them big losses. The Turks at the sunset after being disillusioned got defensive locations in the area Valanidorahis, planning to impede any movement towards Kiafa. In one of his exits from the entrenchments, where according to tradition he appears to have massacred six Aghas, in his effort to capture their commander, Mavromichalis was heavily wounded and fell. There was a bloody battle around him until his lads managed to pull him back inside again. However, after the defeat in Plaka and Peta and the retreat of Markos Botsaris, the fortress of the Maniots was surrounded by all the Turkish army. Consequently any further resistance was impossible.

For this reason, Kyriakoulis having distributed all the guns to his companions advised them to mind only their salvation and escape, while he started bleeding from his wounds he crawled to the big rampart to die in front of the enemy right at the moment when the Turks were planning to attack again. The remaining besieged  Maniots, especially warriors, after the loss of their commander realized their weakness for replenishment  and so they boarded on their ships and embittered returned to Mesologi with the mortal remains of their captain who was buried with full military honours at Mesologi. The death of the hero inspired the popular muse the song

“Petrobeys was sitting high at Petrovouni

and wiped his eyes with a golden handkerchief.

-Why are you sad and spread your tears bey?

Since you are asking me Kyriakaina and want to know

Tonight I had letters from Mesologi

Kyriakoulis was killed, the first lad

And my eyes drip and black tears run”

In the memory of the heroic sacrifice of the Maniots, there is outside the Holy Church of Agios Nicolaos Pargas a stone in the shape of the book which symbolizes the history and has on the back the date (1822) and at the front the following:

MAVROMICHALIS KYRIAKOULIS FELL HERE

16th JULY 1822

*Splantza (Italian word which means beach, coast, which today means sandy coast) is the name of place which became the witness of the heroic sacrifice of the hero from Valtetsi Kyriakoulis Mavromihalis.

At the southwest part of Taygetus, a little bit before the mountain is cut by the col that leads to Areopoli, at the area of Polyaravos (the village at the southwest edge of the territory of Gythion Municipality, close to the borders of the territories of Lefktron and Vytilo Municipality) the third and last battle of the Maniots against Ibrahim took place. The outcome of the battle was decisive, because after that he resigned from his intention to submit Mani.

We have already referred to this battle in the columns of our newspaper (issue 8-November 1999). We thought it would be advisable to republish a “document” about the battle which has been published many years ago by Donald Mc Fail with a foreword who was at that time publisher-director of the newspaper ΚΑΠΕΤΑΝ ΖΑΧΑΡΙΑΣ published by Lygeras Association. This document was written after the dictation of the disinterested fighter of the struggle for the national liberation Elias Tsalafatinos and was send along with his biography by Elias Zeritis. Honouring the anniversary of this epos (August 1826) we present it in order to estimate the information mentioned in it (the preserved extract of this narration mainly refers to the preparatory stages of collecting troops) considering that they describe also the course of the troops of Ibrahim to the area Bardounia and Malevri during their course to the east side of Taygetus after their failure at Verga and Diros, their passage from Alagonia and the submission of the county of Mystras.

“Polyzaravos Battle in Mani at the county of Malousiou (1) at the borders of Bardounia”

Narration (and biography) by Elias Tsalafatinos.

The numbers refer to the notes published at the end of the narration.

“Elias Tsalafatinos (2) being in Vytilo, found out that Ibrahim was heading to Mani so he came with thirty Spartans to the village Agios Nicolaos where he found Stamatis Rozos and his men; they all went to the castle of Bardounia and waited for Ibrahim, but he came from the left side close to Gythion and camped at Basava. Jeorgios Mavromihalis was in Miniakova. The Turks  attacked against the Spartans who were there, but could not resist and so retreated to the straits of Lagada and Trikefaloi. The Turks chased them and some went to Kotzia monastery, but since they found resistance they went back. Jeorgios and the rest of the chieftains occupied the straits where it was impossible for the Turks to go through. Coming from there, they camped at Polyzaravos and tried to open the way in order to go down to the county of Mesa Mani (Kakavoulia). Being in Skamnitza, Salafatinos to whom Zygiotes came headed by Panagos and Stefanos Christaias and Skyfianoi headed by Ioannis Fioretis and Dimitrios Boutzoulis (3) the number of whom exceeded the 350 men, suddenly heard gunshots against Polyzaravon and shouting. “Turks at Polyzaravon”.  Those in Skamnitza ran to help. Salafatinos coming to Polyzaravon met Petropulakis on the way with his men and convinced him to take to the battle. But pretending he had foot ache, he left (4). At the same time, P. Giatrakos being in Desfina with his compatriots came to Polyzaravo, whereas Jeorgios Grafakos with forty men fighting against the enemy from the village Desfina came to Polyzaravo, too. There was Vasileios (name difficult to read) with his mother and sister who got scared and decided to leave (5). “Here, it will be grave of everybody; there is no way you will leave alive from the house”, said his mother. Then, Giatrakos went up to the mountain opposite Polyzaravos. The Turks had already entered the village and the Greeks took cover. Venetzanakis Moutzirakos took cover in the upper houses at Plagiana. At that moment, men from Skamnitza came who entered Vavoulis’ house. Seeing people coming all the time, although only a few, the villagers took courage. Some of the Turks wanted to take cover at a rock in order to stop those who were coming to help the village but since it was already taken by Giatrakos they retreated and came back to their camp” (6).

________________

(1)          The right one is “Malevriou”. It is a mistake which shows that the writer of the text didn’t know the area.

(2)          The fact that the text starts with the name of the glorious fighter from Vytilo makes it clear that he described the events and somebody else took notes and that he possibly wrote the text later. Elias Salafatinos never wrote texts, because he was illiterate.

(3)          Maybe it means Boutseli.

(4)          I believe that Salafatinos belittles D. Petropoulakis, because he is talking about him. He gives the impression that Petropoulakis didn’t take part in the battle of Polyaravos. On the contrary, Karakasonis in his book “Η Τριήμερος μάχη του Πολυάραβου”, mentions: “Dimitris Petropoulakis in the body and soul handsome along with other Maniots, in the night 13th August went to reinforce the parts that till that moment confronted the enemy attacks….D. Petropoulakis had caught with Tsalafatinous, Skyfianos, Mavromichalaioi and Troupakis the center of this line…..D. Petropoulakis was really brave in this battle………… For his virtues, he was honoured with the medallion of bravery. It is obvious that at the time this narration was written, Salafatinos was influenced by the friendly position of Petropoulakis family towards the government and the opposite position of Mavromichalis family. Maybe this is why he throws dirt at Petropoulakis.

(5)          The incident is unknown because nobody else would know about it since it took place between the mother and sister and if it had happened they would never make it known so as not to be defamed.

ELIAS SALAFATINOS

He was born at Vytilo around 1780-1782. He was the son of the big family of Stefanopoulos. There is darkness about his past. His present descendants claim that their grandfathers left for Messini of Italy during their eviction in1675 by Lyberakis Gerakaris. They came back later changing their Italian name Lavarenti and taking the Greek name Katsanos due to their dark skin. At Vytilo their relatives know them as Lavourentoi. Salafatinos took this last name by a nick name tsalafos-salafos which means thoughtless and warlike due to his character. In the age of 40 he was found by the revolution of 1821. His activity was impressive from the first moment of the struggle. He started as a small captain of the bodies of the family of Mavromichalis. Petrobeys trusted him and always sent him to battle with one of his sons and brothers.  He was the guardian angel of all the relatives of the Mavromichalis house, whom he served faithfully, timidly and silently.

A few information is scattered in stories and memoirs for his activity. As usual the historians neglected the contribution of Mani. That is why Salafatinos is not known. He took part in many battles against the Turks and his activity was multidimensional. It starts from Areopoli after he swore with Elias Mavromihalis to come back to Mani only if all Greece is liberated. In order to keep their vow they promise not to have a haircut. In the beginning of 1822 he follows Elias Mavromihalis to Evoia. Unfortunately, the operation failed and the worst Elias was killed at the battle of Kokkinomylos on 12th January 1822. He comes back to Morea and goes wherever the mother country calls him always with someone of Mavromihalis family. He was always in the front side and a great fighter, he inspires fear to the enemy and courage to the Greeks. The other chieftains asked for loans from Mavromihalis family. In Mani he came back in 1826. Of course his vows were not fully fulfilled. He had glorified his name in many ways, though. He becomes Aias at Verga and stops Ibrahim with the Egyptians at Polyaravos. Although some historians haven’t written his military deeds but they wrote about his disinterestedness. When in June 1823, his country was grateful about his services he was offered 200 grosia, which he denied saying that he didn’t want it because the country was poorer” . Sp. Melas at «Γέρος του Μοριά» writes. Bring me diamonds to write Salafatinos name. There is further honour. He is offered the rank of Lieutenant-General but he denies saying that the stadium of the struggle is still open and those who don’t fight till the end take honours illegally and out of time. The minister of war Christos Perraivos, when the text sent by Salafatinos was transferred to the parliament along with the diploma of the Lieutenant-General said “He was the first to show in action the real work of the good patriot he was beyond glory for the glory of his country, whereas worthy and unworthy men everyday seek for glory in promotions”.

Elias Salafatinos died in Athens on 15th November 1856.

The preparations and the arrival to Crete

In consultation with the Greek government Dimitrios Petropoulakis, officer of the Greek army from Rahes Githion made an appeal for volunteers in order to go to Crete and to reinforce the struggle for freedom. The departure of 800 volunteers, the 600 of whom were Maniots, took place at Christmas in 1866 with the steamboat “Ydra”. At Syros, other volunteers who were on the steamboat “Panellinio” joined them.

The landing of the volunteers, the food and the ammunition they had with them, took place at the bay of Agia Pelagia where from for security reasons, due to the nearby fortress with Turkish forces, they moved fast to Kamariotes. On the way, there was a successful battle against the Turks, although a big quantity of food was taken by the enemy.

The military body, in communication with the local chieftains, moves to the east counties Lasithi and Milopotamos where the revolution was uninspired. When Dimitrios Petropoulakis arrived to the area of Lasithi, he was appointed by the temporary government of the Cretans the military chief of the east counties.

The Battles at Milopotamos

The biggest part of the maniot military body camped at Keramoi and headed to Melamvi, close to the monastery of Prevelis. There it was united to the 1000 Cretans and the military body of captain Koraka in a united camp.

Close to the camp to the area Tibaki, there was the body of the Turkish soldiers and one corvette. In order to secure food, the different teams moved to the mountainous areas to get food from the shepherds, such as the Petropoulakis party to the area of Idi.

The Turks under Resit Pasha attacked the military troops of Petropoulakis, Korakas and Koronaios at the straits of Tilisos. Initially, Koronaios’ team was attacked and was under a lot of pressure. For this reason, a team of the maniot military troops came to help headed by Leonida, the son of Dimitrios Petropoulakis, whereas the father with his own team was shooting the enemy from the sides.

Under this coordinated pressure the Turks were forced to withdraw. They came back, though, helped by the Egyptian cavalry, but they were again stopped.

Under these circumstances, the attacks ceased and the military bodies withdrew to safe locations. As to what the rebels ate, it is described in a representative verse of a poet from that period:

“Give me too brother this half locust to pass this day too.”

The maniot military troops took the locations at Krousona where from they attacked the Turkish troops, as well as at the nearby plains and supported the women and children from the attacks of the Turks.

The battles at Lasithi

The volunteer cheifs and chieftains who took part in the battles of Lasithi that followed the ones in the area of Milopotamos were Dimitrios Petropoulakis and Elias Dimitrakarakos from Mani,Jeorgios Kourmoulis captain of the Greek army and Christos Vyzantios colonel of the Greek army on retirement. The armed Cretan fighters were about 2-3000.

So, the number of the Turks was great and it is estimated to be 1 to 8 approximately. The chiefs Korakas and Sfakianakis along with the other chieftains ran to the plain to stop the Turkish cavalry. This is the first impact. The battle lasted from 5 in the morning until 10 at night, that is to say for seventeen hours and the rebels despite the shortage in guns and number of men were the winners. The dead and wounded Turks were around 700 and from the rebels only 40 were killed or wounded. Amongst the dead men, there was Mihalis Petropoulakis. This battle of the 21st May was one of the cruelest and unforgettable battles of the revolution of 1866 because for the first time the rebels fought in a plain one to one. Constantinos Sfakianakis remembers in his report that:

“Also Korakas and everybody else admitted, that this is a most important and glorious battle after Arcadi. Everybody at the battle fought with bravery and enthusiasm”.

Dimitrios Petropoulakis (Rahi Gythion, around 1800- Athens 1870)

Dimitrios Petropoulakis has been a fighter in the revolution in 1821 and distinguished mainly in the battles against Ibrahim. He supported Kapodistria and Otto against the revolts against them. In 1844, when he failed to be elected deputy he rebelled against Kolettis’ government whom he considered as responsible for his failure. In 1850, he was elected deputy on Mani. In 1862-63, he was evicted by the temporary government and was ordered to leave Laconia. Soon the evictions got less. Parallel to his political activity there was his military career, whereas in 1870 he became colonel. In 1854, he took part in the revolution in Thessalia, head of a body of volunteers and was wounded in Kalabaka on the 10/5/1854. In 1866-7, he realized his first campaign to Crete. In the end of 1868, he was sent for a second time to the island by the Boulgaris government, head of 1000 volunteers aiming to revive the struggle. He was defeated, though, at the battle in Vryses (8/12/1868) and got imprisoned. He was set free after the interference of the Great Forces and retreated. In the archives, there is material mainly about his eviction (1862-1863) and the campaign to Crete in 1868

The second campaign (1868-69)

After the revolutionary events in 1866, the Turks pushed the Cretans with all the means they had, but mainly with the construction of more than 80 small fortresses with guards (Kouledoi) along the shores and impededany external help.

There are only a few rebellious locals and volunteers who are still on inaccessible peaks also ready to leave with the first chance they have. The Greek government

turned again to Dimitrios Petropoulakis in order to organize a new campaign. However, after the promises to send more campaign bodies and the reassurance

that Cretans after the olive harvest would restart the fight against the conqueror he was finally convinced.

The goal of the mission was to revive the revolution although the government knew that its conviction was already signed by the Big Forces and that every effort was hopeless.

Petropoulakis organizes the first team of volunteers in Athens and leaves on the 7th November 1868 with 300 volunteers for Gythion in order to get more help.

He got organized finally with a team of 1000 men and at the end of November they embarked with the ship «Η Ένωσις», to Rethimnon Crete where he was appointed

the General Leader. The father was accompanied by the son Leonidas, his brother Anastasios and his grandson Petros Zervompeakos. Due to the seclusion

of the island by Turkish military ships the landing of the men and supplies was divided in two parts.

The first team was concluded by 300 men headed by Dimitrios Petropoulakis and then, the second and larger by his son Leonidas. The two bodies after some difficulties finally, met at Merona. While they were looking for the supplies they brought with them and left the locals for transfer, they withdrew to the fortified

locations, they were in constant pursuit by the Turkish detachments which they confronted with success.

As it is mentioned in the Report submitted to the Greek Government after his return Dimitrios Petropoulakis it was decided “… to follow to the Bistagi road and head west to the places of Agios Vasilios and from there to Sfakia.”

They set off on the 8th December but dreadful moments waited

for them. They walked all night from the 8th to the 9th constantly fighting

against the Turks who had taken the locations at Asomatoi-Leukogia-Moni

Preveli-Plakia. They fell from the one ambush to the other and in the morning after losses in dead and wounded they arrived at Selia. There being tired and sleepless

before even taking a breath they received a vicious attack by the forces of the enemy losing 60 men. This difficult course went on until the night of the 9th December

when they arrived at Kallikratis. The arrival of the Maniots at Sfakia was first announced to the president of the temporary Government in Crete Stamatis Hionoudakis who was at Asi Gonia with locals from Sfakia, Apokorona

and Rethimno and ran to introduce them to his men.

However, before the rebellions could even rally they were attacked by large forces. They fought all day and at night with the help of darkness they escaped

to the mountain hills between Kallikratis and Αskifos.

The Turks pillaged all the villages Kallikratis, Asfendos, Imbro and massacred those who didn’t manage to escape. However, they didn’t stop pursuing the rebellions

that had lost contact with each other. The moral of the fighters after this vicious pursuit was very low; especially of the volunteers who had left from the operational

bodies of 1866 and many asked for a decision to be taken to surrender.

In those days, the French ambassador in Chania sent a letter to Petropoulakis informing him that the continuance of the fight was hopeless since “….the

mood of the European Forces doesn’t share the demands of Greece on the island Crete and on the contrary they are in favor of the preservation of the Ottoman

state. So it is certain that there will be no help what so ever. Being in this position I believe that going on with the fight is hopeless. For this reason I’m willing in the name of charity to negotiate your return to Greece…”

After this letter and the burden of the cruel reality in a meeting of all the captains (volunteers and locals) with Petropoulakis they decided to stop the attacks and to

depart; basically the Maniots and all those who wanted to from Crete and so they signed the protocol below:

“Today on the thirteenth of month December 1868 in the location Mavrorahi Askifos all the under mentioned leaders and captains, locals and volunteers…

. Under high strength and difficulty for the maintenance of means and supplies have decided in common to accept the proposed interference of the French ambassador who proposed to intervene in order to facilitate our departure from the unlucky

Crete…”

The General Leader of the team of Rethimno D. Petropoulakis

The leaders of the counties of this team

The leader of the volunteers Leonidas D. Petropoulakis

The captains A. Mitsas, G. Zikos, K. Dimitriou, A. Tsakonas, P. Zervompeakos, etc.

This was the end of the second campaign of the Maniots to Crete where many of them left their bodies on the land of Crete while they crossed the area of Rethimni from north to south through the White mountains.Leonidas Dimitriou Petropoulakis (Rahi Gythion, 1829- Athens 1887)

Son of Dimitrios. His luck and activity followed to a great extent that one of his father. He took part in the revolution in Thessalia, he was evicted in 1862-63 and followed his father to Crete in 1868 along with his son Jeorgios. In 1859, he was elected the deputy of the county of Gythion. After 1869, he joined Deligiorgis party. In 1878, he came back as the major in the army and in 1881 with the rank of colonel. He was appointed the officer of the center of the army in Thessalia. In 1886 his part in the encounters with the Turks was determinative in Gritzovali and Melouna. He died in Athens in

After the liberation of Kalamata (23.3.1821) the military council disagreed on the military operations that would follow. Petrobeys wanted the operation to go on with the siege and occupation of the Messinian fortresses, such as Koroni, Methoni and Niokastro at Navarino. Kolokotronis believed that the main target should be the occupation of the administrative and military center of the Ottoman administration, that is to say, Tripolitsa, in order to boost the Fight. Since, he didn’t have the troops, he took from his close friend Panagiotis Mourtzinos who could not come with him since his son Dionysios was seriously ill,  300 fighters from his operations body headed by his nephew Panagiotis Troupakis-Boukouvaleas, a keen fighter. Kolokotronis with this troop headed inside Peloponnese having with him Papaflessas and Nikitaras. On the way, he was informed about the precipitate flight of the Turks at the area of Fanari (Olympia) Ilia, who were afraid of the Greek rebellions of the area and were planning to go to Tripoli with their belongings in order to protect themselves inside the walls. Although the Turks were heading through the road that goes from Andritsaina to Tripoli, the small team of the Maniots with Kolokotronis took the hill of Agios Athanasios above the road, a little bit out of Karytaina. On the 17 March there was the first battle of the Fight. When the Ottomans of Karytaina, got informed about the arrival of the Greek army, got afraid and locked themselves up in the castle.

They were 300 like Leonidas’ men and they confronted 1800 Turks at the strait of Agios Athanasios in Karytaina. The Turks see that the straits are occupied. They are all well armed, they defend their lives and fight vigorously. This is the first gun shooting of 1821. The Maniots fight heroically. They revive after many centuries the old glory of their military virtue. They fight without arms, standing like beasts. Kolokotronis will not forget their courage, so he says in his narrative that “Maniots fought a war and imitated the 300 men of Leonidas”. They strike the Turks at the front. At the back there are men from Andritsaina headed by Christopoulos. Plapoutaioi arrive, too. The Turks try desperately to double their furry.

Kolokotronis screamed himself hoarse, when he saw the unexpected help, whereas in the meantime there were more coming. He attacks the Turks from the front and the gun is fiercer. The Turks are amazed, so more come out from the castle of Karytaina to help them. The Greeks strike back, the Turks helpless, get killed attacked by all sides, so 500 souls died. Horses and loot were taken by the Greeks. The victory smiles at them at the beginning of the battle. From Kolokotronis troop, two men fall heroically. One of them is Petros Faseas, the son in law of Panagiotis Troupakis and his first lad. “Petros Faseas was killed at the first collision of the military Body of the Maniots with the Turks at Karytaina. He became non-commissioned officer 2nd Rank (Record No 4597 “Δίπτυχον της Εθνεγερσίας” V. Patriarcheas, page 729) he was killed during the first battle of the Revolution. Two more were wounded, Voidis and Dourakis. The Turks had more than 200 men killed in the battle. (Panagis Troupakis-Boukouvaleas the leader of the military body of Maniots became Major after the recommendation of Kolokotronis who gave credit to his work and great contribution to the Struggle. In his file, which is inside the archive of the Fighters of the National Library it shows that when he retired he had become a chiliarch). However, the ammunition of the Maniots ran out, so they have to fight with the stones of the hill. The reinforcement with another military troop headed by Elias Mavromichalis gives new boost to the battle. The Ottomans fall back and attempt to cross the bridge. Those who don’t drown at Alfeios River (almost 500 drowned) lock themselves up in the castle. They can stand the siege but lack food, so they inform with messengers the Turks in Tripoli who send powerful reinforcement. The Greek troop retreats and the besieged ones move inside the walls of Tripolis to have the same end with the rest of the people of the same religion, after a few months when it fell.

* The text spoken by N.E.Marabea, Peripheral Director of 1st and 2nd Grade Education of Peloponnese and director of our newspaper on Sunday 17/05/2009 at Valtetsi during this year’s celebration of the anniversary. It is published in this column, because it includes important information for the contribution of the Maniot troops (and especially that of Elias Tsalafatinos) in this decisive battle for the outcome of the Revolution in 1821.

I want to thank the organizers of this event for the opportunity they gave me to refer in front of so many Arcadians, and not only, distinguished civilians to the beginnings of the Revolution in 1821. To refer to that historical moment during which the vision of freedom was connected to the dire need for war and victory. Only through this course, it could turn into action and bring back our vanished Nation  in the historic scene. The battle, the victory at Valtetsi in May 1821 was the first proof that this vision could become true. And to form in this way, with the creation of the New Hellenic state the conditions for the Renaissance of the Nation.

For every war and victory, there must be the necessary conditions: strategic consideration, experience in arms and common conception of the warriors for the aimed at purpose and outcome. Then, in May 1821, not even two months from the break out of the revolution there were positive features for these conditions, which in their turn led to victory at the battle that took place in this land. And this why.

Kolokotronis who found refuge from Zante at Kardamyli on the 6th January with only 4 comrades, had the necessary strategic view for the outcome of the liberating Struggle. Due to his natural intelligence and due to his services at the foreign armies of Eptanisa and his practice in the secrets of the martial art.

The Maniots headed by their captains being always a polemic nation unsubmissive to the Ottoman ruler for 400 years had full experience in the use of arms, whereas they had the necessary vigorousness to fight at close quarters. The Arcadian Klephts from Leontari and Gortinia were also trained and kept always on the flame of revolution in Southern Taygetus and the mountains of Gortinia.

Close to them, there were the volunteers from the agricultural villages who practiced slowly in arms and learnt not to be afraid of their tyrant. Along with the practice in guns, they formed the conception about the feasibility of the revolution which was reinforced by the sacredness of the goal.

In 15 days, in the middle of the failing first battle of Valtetsi close to the end of April and the second victorious battle of May all these three conditions were rather mature. This is why the outcome can be considered as the fruit of this maturity.  The historians describe its features. The loss of April led the chieftains to the need to appoint a commander in chief. A worthy fighter who would coordinate the polemic troops, the planning and the outcome of the battles but also the administrative concern for the soldiers. Kolokotronis was recognized as the most superior of all, but he didn’t have soldiers. This lack was covered by Delligiannaioi, who at that period put him in charge of all their troops at Karytaina. It didn’t take time for him to be accepted as the chief in command by the other chieftains, considering his leading skills and military knowledge. After the destruction of their barricades by the Ottomans at the first battle of Valtetsi, the fighters started learning how the battles at close quartets take place. For this reason, the new barricades were firmly built and equipped with the adequate materials for defense and attack. Also the encouragement from the leader, the voluntary offer of food from the Arcadians of the neighbouring areas, as well as the gun powder from the mill of Dimitsana gradually built up the belief and realization for the feasibility of the liberating struggle.

The empowerment of the fighters was so important that as it was proven by the result of the battle, they managed to eliminate also the new advantage of the besieged at Tripolitsa. The 2000 experienced warriors headed by the aid-de-camp Kehagiabey, who were sent by Moravalesi Hoursit from Jiannena, who was fighting Ali Pasha, to assist the besieged ones. The new experienced and fighting troops planned the overall destruction of the camp of the attackers, the end of the siege at Tripoli and the change of the course of the revolution. They also counted on the big reinforcement by the cruel fighters who from Bardounohoria at East Taygetus headed by their captain Roubi had in the meantime gone to Tripolitsa. So, it was in Valtetsi  that the luck of the Revolution would be defined. With the victory of the troops and maintenance of the positions, the pincer around the capital of Moreas would get tight and the expansion of the Revolution in the occupied places would take new force. In the opposite case, if the pursuits of the Turks succeeded then the disappointment could become the wreckage of the revolution.

The occupation of the place Valtetsi was really necessary for the progress of the revolution which was connected to the occupation of the capital of Peloponnese. This was because Valtetsi is at the center of this small mountain, on the earthy flat area of 20.000 m2 which is surrounded by cliffs, so the one who has it,  can control all three roads of access: The first that leads south-west to Arahamites and Ntavia, the second the leads to the north and east to Tripoli and the third that leads south to Kalogeriko. With the occupation of these entrances by our warriors Tripoli would suffocate. The suffocation would be complete in combination to the siege by the Greek military camps in Doliana which closed the access to Laconia and Argolida and Levidi which closed the access to Achaia. For the achievement of this military goal, it was decided, with a proposition by Kolokotronis to attempt a second battle at Valtetsi which started on 12th and went on till 13th May.

For this battle, we shall let two of the most disinterested fighters of 1821. The one is Kolokotronis, who is well known and doesn’t need an introduction. The other, who is more modest ( let’s note that he didn’t even accept the rank of the Lieutenant-General, nor 2000 grosia for his services saying “ even though I’m poor, I won’t accept these, because the nation is more poor”) but he was also a fighter, Elias Tsalafatinos from Vytilo.

Kolokotronis in his memoirs narrates his own intervention at the battle from Xrysovitsi, where he organized the movements of the troops and followed the development of the operations, in order to intervene where it would be necessary, whereas at the location of Pianas, Kanellos Deligiannis and Dimitris Plaputas had already camped. The new placement of the Greeks at Veltetsi was recommended by himself with a letter he had written to the other chieftains. This was because, these three locations could help each other in case of Turkish invasion, considering that the camp of Vervena was a bit detached. Let’s observe the small extract that follows: “…we, the 800 enforced the place so that the Truks don’t take the back part…in the evening I’m taking some fighters with me and I’m going to Katarahi, where the Turkish flags were. I went close to them, I fired at them and they fired 4 times – the Greeks at the back didn’t realize- I’ll get you alive, My name is Kolokotronis! -Who? -Kolokotronis! They emptied the place and then we went to Valtetsi, gave them bullets and bread which were the most important for them…”   after the successful outcome, he mentions he made a speech to the fighters and said: “We all must lent to glory that day, which must be celebrated in the centuries because that day was the freedom of the country”.

Elias Tsalafatinos in a narration in 1824, narrates the following: “ At that time, the deceased captain Kyriakoulis (Mavromihalis) at Dervena and we decided to go and meet the deceased Beyzantes (Elias Mavromihalis) who was at Papari and where we thought it was reasonable to go closer, since we met. The deceased Kyriakoulis wanted us to go to a mountain to be right opposite to Dervena, the heroe Beyzantes and I wanted Valtetsi and this is where we went. So we went there Beyzantes and Elias Flessas who was also a heroe.

We took stones and till the evening we had finished with Kyriakoulis’ barricade. At the same time, we divided the barricades. The deceased Beyzantes with his two Flessaious got their own. Whereas Jiannis Beyzantes with Oiko<no>mopoulos and Kefalas took the other and Katzanos with <M>pouraisous took the church. The poor Tzalafatinos, I got  the barricade outside and they gave me the Kalamatianoi, but for my luck one evening before the beginning of the war, seventy-five Leontarites came and immediately, I replaced the Kalamatianoi with them. On the next day, around three o’clock the enemies came. Leontarites are brave, but ignorant and flinched seeing a crowd that came from the back where Kehagias was. So, I swore to them that if anyone wants to go, I would kill him first and I take and put each one in his position and told them to empty half of the guns and fill the other half and if I don’t shoot first and you shouldn’t move. I swear to you the fury of Arvanites up to two hundred and the others took them until they came and put them in our barricades and from inside we took them killing them otherwise I couldn’t find way to cut the fury and showed them the art of the soldiers with the stones and then their fury was cut. The good Greeks, when they learnt the art threw stones around three okas. The rest of the barricades said up to Tzalafatinos’ barricade but they cannot help me because they were all fighting and if God took my barricade may he be sorry of the others. With the sunshine, help came, the deceased Elias with his brother Nikitas.”

In the morning, 12th May, the first Turkish part headed by Tourkovardounioti Roubi moved towards Valtetsi. At the Turks there was the certainty that they would easily destroy the Greek military camp and follow their course to Sinanou (Megalopoli). For this reason, a second Turkish troop went to Arahamites to stop the retreat of the defendants of Valtetsi. Another party moved to the location Kalogerovouni to stop further help from the military camp of Vervena and if necessary to give help to Roubis. The main body of the Turkish army headed by Kehagia Moustafa arrived to location Fragovryso and went to Kandreva (Asea). Btu since the operation at Tabouria wasn’t favorable for the Turks, instead of going to Megalopoli they turned to Valtetsi.

From Chrysovitsi Kolokotronis troop came down and took the location north of Valtetsi opposite Mytropetrova’s barricade. Then, from Piana the troop of Dimitrios Plapoutas-Koliopoulos came to the northeast of the barricades at Valtetsi and all together attacked the back of the Turks. When Kehagiabeys arrived from west to Valtetsi he attacked Kolokotronis, who had to fold back. With the support of side gunshots, finally the barricades stood the all day long attack.

On the second day of the battle, they put canons to attack Elias Mavromihalis barricade but they were not very successful and their gunshots fell on Roubis’ troop. Seeing the Turks that the Greeks became more and more behind them started retreating and their pursuit and humiliation came soon afterwards. The Greek revolution had been definitely established.

With reverence and awe let’s offer our own contribution as memorial of gratitude. A contribution which will be based on the construction, on the peaceful times of today, of the same conditions that led to that victory:

Strategic consideration of the facts in the era of globalization, achievement of experience and common effort for the development of the peaceful works of our times and common perception of the civilians for the goals and the results which are aimed at by our national assertions.

On the 28th March 1821, 400 Maniot soldiers arrived outside the castle of Monemvasia headed by Pierrakos Grigorakis, Dimitrios Tsigourakos Grigorakis and Tzanetakis Grigorakis. Soon afterwards, 250 Tsakoniats arrived from Leonidio Kynouria. As soon as they appeared many other Greeks that lived in the County of Monemvasia banded together outside the castle.

The first battle was fought after the exit of the besieged in three directions, one to Sykia, one to Foiniki and one to Agios Nicolaos Monemvasia. When the Muslims realized that the Greeks got rid of the feeling of the non fighting Christians and came with an air of confidence they retreated with 4 dead and 7 wounded, whereas the Greeks had only 1 dead. Although they had already arrived to the castle, since 22nd March, and were locked inside along with compatriot warriors Tourkobardouniotes (with their 60 families), they were afraid because of the arrival of the ship at Gythion, as they thought it carried ammunition for the Greeks. After  them and the rest of the Muslims from the villages of the County of Monemvasialocked up themselves at the castle. The siege went on steadily which forced the enclosed ones to cut the bridge that led to the rock of the castle, whereas the besiegers increased in numbers after the arrival of other Maniots and Tsakonians. 4 ships joined the siege, 3 from Spetses and 1 from Gythion that belonged to Panagiotis Mavrommatis Vouzounaras.

The besieged that exceeded the 4000, soon due to tightness of the siege that didn’t allow them to move to the villages of the area for replenishment suffered from hunger. After the disappointment because of not getting military help, prompted by the Greek notable Panagiotis Kalogeras that was there with them at the castle, they demanded to surrender the castle and the city to representative of the Greek Administration. After the proposition of Dimitrios Ypsilantis, they sent A. Katakouzinos who signed the treaty of surrender (23 July 1821) according to which the besieged ones were transferred by two Spetsian ships to Smyrna.

There were only 750 of them left from the 4000. In the appendixes two documents are published relative to this siege. The first refers to the conditions that existed at the Maniot military camp at the beginning of the siege and the second to the agreement for distribution of the loots during the imminent fall of Monemvasia.

APPENDIX 1

LAUNCH OF THE SIEGE OF MONEMVASIA BY THE MANIOTS

To the kindest Antonbey Jiorgakis and captain Mihalis, captain Jeorgakis, mister Anagnotis Maltzinis, I humbly embrace you. First of all, we are concerned about your health and wish you to be in good health. For this reason, we make known to you that everything here is like it used to be. We have them locked up. We bombard them and they bombard us. All the intercessions and speeches have ceased since yesterday. On Saturday night, they hired 8 ships and went … as you have written but still they haven’t appeared (…) we saw you had written that two ships came and that they had wheat thousand 9, powder, rusks, butter and lentils, as well as money and other stuff ships have, as it is known. We let you know in order to think also about your self, all the relatives that are here. Here in Monemvasia, with almost hundred fifty men left we keep locked up 800 and this is something to think about. We have decided, though, to pour our blood like the old Spartans and we don’t carry a burden, although we see an indifference from all the country. And mostly from the relatives. Let’s leave out the lice, bad food, bad sleep, cold, rains and many other. Since everyday we run to guard and if we don’t go alone, nobody goes; how many caresses and flattering and promises we make and keep them till now or they would have gone (…) and they are not to blame and we thank them for cherishing and staying with us. Well, we don’t know until when we can keep it up.

Well this (…) when God sent (…) good Government (……)

(left margin):

We write so that you can send as many men as possible. Please send canon bombs because the ships don’t have and this is very bad, which you will send along with the men as well as tobacco which useful men here smoke…

From the book Ap. Daskalakis (archive Tzortzakis-Grigorakis)

APPENDIX 2

THE BESIEGERS OF MONEMVASIA AGREE ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE LOOT

Today, all the present ones at the siege of Monemvasia, we make known that all those who decide to sacrifice themselves for the freedom of the nation and occupation of the castle by guns, Spartans, Elotes and Prastiotes, all those who are registered by name at the list of every company and also those who want to subscribe until the fifteenth of the current May, we all become brothers ending our case with the strength of God to distribute like brothers big and young, according to the laws the hostile mobile things and estate, that is to say Turkish from Monovasia up to the borders of Trinisos and Vrontamas without asking any more from each other, but equally like brothers. So, all with our good will, we decided that without a necessary job and with a general thought, nobody leaves for the country or the neighboring villages or even to touch any of the slightest things but with courage and bravery to be here until the end of our situation. For this reason, we point out that anyone of us who wants to deviate from the following agreement may be cursed by Christ and Holy Mary and to treated by the brotherhood and the generation as a traitor of the country and violator of the law and to change his sacred name from Greek and to be banished for ever. And so, writing this, we one copy each, as a proof and security of the time of judgment and sign.

1821 May 3, Bridge of Monemvasia.

From the book Ap. Daskalakis (archive Tzortzakis-Grigorakis)

The byzantine emperor Manuel, already since 1420, had distributed the territory of his empire among his seven sons… Ioannis was the successor in Constantinople, Theodoros bishop of Pelopponese, the center being Mystras and ruler of those areas which were part of the byzantine empire (the rest of the areas belonged to the Frankish principality of Moreas or Venice), Adronikos ruled in Thessaly (and Thessaloniki), Constantinos got in the first hand, the area of Euxinos and the other three who were underage got areas after the coming of age. The resignation of Theodoros whose intention was to become a monk and the surrender of his administrative area to Andronikos’ son, who had the same name, and, in the meantime, lost his administrative area, as it was occupied by the Turks, as well as the liberation by Constantinos of many areas of Peloponnese from the remnants of the Frankish rule altered the areas of distribution. The last decade, before the enslavement to the Turks, from the brothers, Ioannis ruled in Constantinople, Constantinos and Thomas had shared the areas of Peloponnese and Dimitrios along with Andreas ruled small areas in the suburbs of Constantinople. After Ioannis death and the enthronement of Constantinos his administrative area in Peloponnese was given to his brother Dimitrios, whereas Thomas kept his own administrative areas.

In February 1424, after the death of the emperor of Byzantium, Manuel, he was succeeded by his first son Ioannis. The last one signed a treaty with the sultan Murat II, the father of the later ruler of Constantinople to which it was foreseen the definite surrender to the Turks of the occupied by them areas in Macedonia and Thrace as well as the payment by the emperor of Byzantium of high tribute.

Muratt in December 1446, campaigned to Peloponnese which at that time with the initiatives and military actions of the bishop Constantinos had become part of the domain of Palaiologos. After the invasion he occupied the wall that Constantinos had erected at Isthmos and occupied the majority of the areas of Corinth and Achaia. After the unsuccessful attempt of occupation of Patras they signed peace by which Peloponnese would pay tribute to the Turks.

In 1450, after the death of the emperor Ioannis and with the consent of Muratt, Constantinos went on the throne where from he descended dead three years later while fighting at the walls of Constantinople against Moameth B, the heir of Murat who had passed away the same year as the emperor Ioannis.

In October 1458, Moameth who was in Athens that had been surrendered to the head of the Turkish troops Omar, son of Tourouhan Bey, sent messengers to the bishops of Peloponnese to vow for the peace that had been agreed and asked the hand of Dimitrios daughter. The bishops agreed so that they gave the North Peloponnese (Corinth and Achaia) to Moameth. After three months, the brothers Dimitrios and Thomas started a civil war for the redistribution of the rest of the part of Peloponnese. Amongst the hostilities is the siege by Thomas of Zarnata and Kalamata which belonged to Dimitrios and from the last one Leontari and Akova which belonged to Thomas. After many battles against each other, to which the Albanians of Peloponnese allied once with the one and once with the other and the occupation of Leontari by Dimitrios with the contribution of the Turk pasha Xamza who was in Omar’s place, they made peace. The turmoils and conflicts led Moameth who was in military operations at Skopia to replace the Turk Pasha Xamza with Sagano Pasha. The last one invaded Peloponnese and scattered the troops of the two brothers who started again the conflicts between them. Thomas occupied many areas in Messinia and Laconia and invaded Kalamata. Following he asked for a meeting with the Sultan but there was no agreement as he didn’t have the possibility to pay the tax asked by the last one. For this reason, Moameth invaded again Peloponnese in April 1460. Dimitrios came back to the camp of the Sultan, surrendered Mystras in exchange of the future incomes that would come from other areas. The sultan then occupied Kastritsi (today Kastori), Liontari and Gardiki in North Taygetus and cruelly massacred the defendants over there. The news disturbed the byzantine masters of the other castles   and led them to thoughts of surrender. Thomas in the mean time with his family escaped to Kalamata wherefrom with a ship he arrived to Corfu. The sultan after the successful outcome of the operation in North Taygetus arrived to West Peloponnese and occupied the ports Navarino (Pylos) and Arcadia (Kyparissia) and transferred the inhabitants to Constantinople to live there whereas he sent to the east side of Peloponnese Isa, the grandson of Evrenos Pasha who had before decades leaded the invasion of the first Turkish troops to Peloponnese, in order to occupy Monemvasia and to take the wife and the daughter of Dimitrios who were there. The guard of Monemvasia Nicolaos Palaiologos handed the women but not the town. The sultan ordered Saganos Pasha to occupy the rest of the castles of the area, whereas he spied the ports of Methoni and Koroni which belonged to the Venetians and with landings he captured the inhabitants of those areas. Following he headed North and occupied Egio, Kalavryta, Karytaina and Salmeniko. Due to the difficulty to occupy the last castle and the violation of the terms of his surrender, the Sultan replaced Sagano Pasha and brought back to his place Xamza. Form the two bishop brothers Dimitrios who had signed a treaty with Moameth got from him as an honour and residence the town Aino (peninsula of Kallipoli). Thomas from Corfu sent an ambassador (the lord Ralli) to the Sultan and proposed him to get East Peloponnese. His proposition was not accepted and that’s why he left for Italy taking with him the head of saint Andreas. Monemvasia was an object for exchange of Thomas with the Pope and finally it was given by him to the Venetians.

So, in 1460 seven years after the occupation of Constantinople there was the occupation of Peloponnese by the sultan apart from the ports that were occupied by the Venetians. During the campaign there was increased cruelty (hangings, beheadings, physical tortures of fighters and civilians, fires and depopulation of villages and castles) in the military operations.

In spring 1463, Venice declared war to Turkey. The reason was the non surrendering of the servant of Pasha in Athens who left with stolen goods of his master and found refuge to Methoni. Then there was the intrusion of the governor of Peloponnese Isa Pasha, grandson of Ebrenos in Argos and Omar the son of Touraxan in Naupakto, whereas other troops looted Methoni. Then, the inhabitants of the areas of Peloponnese amongst which Sparte and Tainaro rebelled against the sultan after the agreement with the Venetians. The hostilities went on until Isthmos and generally in north and central Peloponnese with the advance through Istmos of Mahmud Pasha. And again with cruelties there was attempted the return of the rebellions to the Turkish rule. The following year the leadership of the military troops was given by the Venetians to the Italian nobleman Sigimundo Malatesta, who besieged the castle of Mystras and occupied the external wall but not the acropolis. The new governor of the Venetian troops Jacobs Varvarigos moved to Patras where he was defeated, imprisoned and butchered whereas his army was moved to Kalamata where he was again defeated. The polemic condition with reduced region of hostilities and moving in space lasted for many years since there was in the meantime a treaty of Venice with the kingdom of Neapoli and the Pope for the constitution of a crusade for the common confrontation of the Ottoman threat in Europe.

On the 26th January 1479 there was signed in Constantinople a treaty amongst Moameth and Venice with a special representative the secretary Ioannis Dorios). With this treaty Venice gave to the Sultan Skodra, Kroia and other Albanian towns and also the mountain areas of Xeimmara and Mani.

All the scattered information about the period from 1463 (maybe earlier) up to 1479, lead to the conclusion that the area of Mani was at that period under the Venetian rule, whereas many politicians and military representatives lived there; their names are mentioned in the Venetians files. However, according to the law and the political administration of each area there were also inhabitants that took part. The locals also took part in military operations of that period against the Turks both in the area of Taygetus and Peloponnese, in general. The participants in the politics and in the relevant political council under the Venetian governor were the so called elders. It seems that these places were taken by the members of the empire family of Trapezounta which at that period had arrived to Oitylo*. Anyway, the military operations of that period also consist of the heroic battles of Krokodeilos Kladas and many other inhabitants of the area in central Peloponnese and finally Mikri Kastania of Taygetus. The disappointment of Kladas for the treaty of surrendering Mani to the Turks resulted to his escape along with many compatriots to Eptanisa where they stayed under Venetian rule. Many of these took part later with bravery and courage to the wars of Venice against the Germans in Italian ground with the name stradiotti (these events were presented in the issue 9-December 1999 of our newspaper).

*Addition to the subject we had mentioned in the issue 128-November 2009.