The situation that prevails at this time in the socio-political system of the country, both at the highest level and largely at its lower-level structures as well, leads to the search for and presentation of well-documented scientific analyses related to its main characteristics and also the causes that shaped these conditions. An important source for such an approach is the German sociologist and political economist Max Weber, and more specifically, his concise analysis of the political system in a lecture he gave to his students shortly after the end of World War I, in 1918, titled: “Politics as a Vocation”.

We present key points from its content: «Political leaders of all levels of power are divided into two main categories: those who live “for” politics and those who live “off” politics. The politician who lives “for” politics makes this activity synonymous with “the content of his life”. He moves through life either enjoying the sense of power he exercises, or deriving his inner balance and the feeling of self-worth from the awareness that his life acquires meaning by serving a “purpose”. With this inner meaning, every sincere person who lives “for” a purpose also lives “from” that purpose. Whoever lives “off” politics as a profession, strives to make it a permanent source of income, whoever lives “for” politics does not do so. On the basis of this distinction, the concept of a “calling” to power is also formed for those who exhibit characteristics of individuals who possess the charisma of a “leader”, that is, individuals who belong to the category of those who live “for” politics. The devotion created by the charisma of the “leader” means that people do not obey him because of customs or decrees, but because they believe in him. The leader himself lives for his purpose and “cares” for his work». It should be noted that the concept of leader in the text extends throughout the social spectrum, including the states and their individual administrative and self-governing structures, the religious expressions and the trade union associations.

The elements that emerge from this content, linked to the events of more than a century that has passed since then, are confirmed by the recorded results that were created in states and in other structures of power. The few leaders who responded to the moral “calling” that was validated through the electoral process and functioned “for” politics during the exercise of the power that was entrusted to them, led countries – or their respective institutional structures – to prosperity and qualitative reform. The opposite occurred with those leaders whose actions, as recorded by history, lead to the conclusion that they lived “off” politics.

These historical observations should be strongly considered during critical periods when the population groups are called upon to elect the leaders who will guide them into the future, especially when the time context points to difficult economic conditions that threaten social cohesion and the smooth functioning of social institutions. Unfortunately, we are currently living in such a period, and the evaluation of leaderships based on Max Weber’s criterion, is emerging as a necessity for every citizen who participates in any form of institutional expression.

The category of those who live “off” politics has evolved over time, has taken on various forms, and has spread into the wider social sphere, so that its intentions are not perceived. It attempts, through the confusion it creates, to be perceived as its opposite, in order to enjoy the social acceptance necessary for its dominance.To achieve this goal, it creates subordinate systems of decentralized power in which it integrates a swarm of individuals who operate in the same way – that is, they live “off” politics – while simultaneously attempting to blur citizens’ vision, as they try to distinguish those politicians who, through the “calling”, seek to embody the characteristics of the leader who lives “for” politics: someone who offers his/her natural and intellectual abilities, for the benefit of the community.

An insightful observation of the current political landscape will certainly lead the informed citizens to a clear distinction between those who are involved in politics and to their classification into one of the two opposing categories of leaders according to Max Weber – and to determine their support accordingly. Especially in decentralized forms of power, such as local government, due to the proximity between the observer and the observed, the distinction is easier and the subsequent classification can lead to choices that result in effectiveness and social prosperity…

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

ANNIVERSARY

It was April 1999 when the first issue of our newspaper MANIOT SOLIDARITY was published. Tentatively and cautiously, we tried to find a path to shape the impulse that led us to this form of expression. Our vision for a Mani of the future, worthy of our heroic ancestors, was particularly strong. Thus, we gradually overcame the numerous obstacles, ranging from technical issues, passing through financial difficulties, and culminating in those that required rapid adaptation to the modern technology of print media. Year by year, we acquired the necessary know-how, which, combined with the personal processing of our source material, resulted in the form and content of the newspaper you now hold in your hands.

Our main goal was based on the idea that Mani is not only a place, but also a way of life. A way of life that we, the older generations, acquired through our upbringing and carry in our genes, passing it on to our descendants. This way of life is recorded in every issue of this publication, accumulated issue by issue, condensed into our books and other publications, showcased on our website, disseminated, and digitally stored so that it is available in future times. This content also contributes to the smooth integration into our land of many new residents who have settled in our villages in recent decades, much like the major population assimilations that occurred in the Mani region in past centuries.

On this anniversary, we deem it appropriate to analyse in detail the structure and content of each issue of our newspaper:

The smooth transition from the title to the content is achieved through the main article, which follows the title on the front page. We ensure that its content incorporates elements and nuances of SOLIDARITY, offering analyses of ideas and events related to broader social issues that emerge in current affairs. Page 1 is filled with news closely linked to our region, its developmental progress, or major milestones in its historical course.

The topics highlighted on pages 2, 3, 4, and 10 focus on history, folklore, nature, and culture in our area, as they have been recorded in the past and are evolving to this day. Special emphasis is placed on the farewell of Nikitas Nifakis, the first Maniot scholar and enlightenment figure, who is consistently featured at the top right of page 3 as a timeless inspiration for us all. We consider particularly effective the interconnection of the above-mentioned elements (history, folklore, nature and culture) that has been created in the three texts that are currently published in continuations in these pages.

Pages 6 and 7 are dedicated to showcasing development projects in our wider region, identifying their implementation methods and challenges in the process until their completion. Pages 5 and 12 cover opinion articles that also reflect the ideas of SOLIDARITY, as they relate to current events and circumstances. Pages 9 and 11 are devoted to recording small news items concerning our wider region, as they appear in current affairs each month. As our discerning readers may have noticed, from the very first issue, crime reports are entirely absent, as such publications do not align with the objectives of our newspaper and association.

On our website www.maniatiki.gr, a selected portion of the content from the print edition of MANIOT SOLIDARITY is uploaded each month, along with significant texts containing historical and geographical details about Mani and the settlements of its three major regions. The inclusion of translated articles in English enables second and third-generation compatriots in reconnecting with their ancestral homeland, as well as foreigners who have settled in our area. Additionally, incorporating advertisements entrusted to us by local professionals for the print edition enhances the visibility of their businesses or activities (information on the high traffic of our website is provided on page 3).

We believe that the continued publication and distribution of books and photographic albums about our region provide a strong boost to advancing the objectives of the non-profit association that publishes this newspaper. Particularly noteworthy are the following titles: PAGES FROM THE HISTORY OF MANI(in two volumes), TRAVEL ROUTES IN MANI(in two volumes), MANI IN FOREIGN-LANGUAGE BOOKS, and MANI – TIMELESS EVOLUTION OF 10 MAJOR REGIONS.

On the occasion of this anniversary, with the support and trust of our loyal subscribers, we wish to express our determination to continue this work for as long as our physical and mental capabilities allow…

                                                                                                    THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The political upheavals of this period on a global scale, particularly the initial measures taken by the new government of the USA, bring the concept of “bureaucracy” back into focus. This concept refers to the independence of an institution’s administrative processes from the goals of the social groups that established it to achieve their intended purposes. When an institution’s administration becomes autonomous, it can lead to increased privileges for administrators. This shift may result in significant economic resources being diverted from their original social purposes to support the administration’s interests. As is immediately apparent, the dominance of such conditions in the administration of institutional practices reduces the economic efficiency of their mandated social objectives in favour of the interests of their administrative groups.

The terms “bureaucracy” and “bureaucratic mechanisms” were widely used in the criticism made by sociologists and political thinkers regarding the way state administration was conducted by regimes imposed in Eastern Europe after the October Revolution of 1917 or following the end of World War II. According to this criticism, party mechanisms formed an extensive system for advancing the interests of this group, which were significantly different from the interests of society as a whole. The ultimate result of this divergence of interests was the economic collapse of these countries, due in part to the widespread withdrawal of genuine willingness to participate in the advancement of state objectives by a large percentage of their populations.

According to sociological approaches, such phenomena stem from human nature itself and the extension of the instinct of self-preservation, which, when exercising power in public institutions, seeks to maximise personal gain. These tendencies can be balanced in two ways: through education and strong legislation. The first, if it has a generalised humanistic character, leads to models that balance individual and social interests—both in terms of improving the quality of life and through the increased economic outcomes produced by coordinated social actions. The second can, through the establishment of institutional counterweights, prevent the dominance of bureaucratic mechanisms or even create mechanisms of social control in every societal expression. Social control mechanisms emerge where nuclei of active citizens form, i.e., groups of individuals with social consciousness who are driven to resist the bureaucratisation of institutions and to create de facto organisational structures. These structures, through the increased social pressure they generate, can eventually be institutionalised.

A broad field for the dominance of bureaucratic mechanisms is found in administrative organisations managing financial resources, where individuals or groups with long-term tenures oversee their management. A crucial factor in limiting this phenomenon is the institutionalisation of decentralised institutional expressions since the actions of their administrative bodies are more accessible to the citizens within their jurisdiction. Local government organisations fall into this category because of the regularly scheduled electoral processes that determine the political figures responsible for their administration and financial management. Additionally, the close proximity between the governed and governing creates another positive factor for effective interventions by groups of active citizens within their area of jurisdiction. The primary goal of these interventions in combating the bureaucratic approach to handling affairs by elected and service officials is the broad publication of data.

In this direction, the progress made in computer science offers the opportunity for substantial public information and pressure for the revitalisation of initiatives such as “Diavgeia” (Transparency), which, over time, have been stripped of their original essential content as it was defined in the explanatory report accompanying the voting of the relevant law in Parliament (Peponis Law). A similar hollowing-out process has affected most websites maintained by local government organisations. Either they contain minimal information, or they serve as platforms for showcasing spectacular aspects of these organisations’ activities. These websites could become key tools for genuine information regarding financial management by publishing all financial data, fully describing ongoing projects, and providing detailed breakdowns of expenditures at each phase and by region. In this way, social control would become meaningful and would help combat tendencies toward the bureaucratisation of social affairs before their manifestation, through self-restraint.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD  

By following the population development of Mani since the early decades of the modern Greek state, we observe its continuous weakening through migrations, either in waves or with a slow flow. The causes, both general and specific, have been analysed through numerous and diverse approaches published in the columns of our newspaper during the more than 25 years of its publication. What we will attempt to explore in this text is the connection between regional weakening and central political decisions, particularly those related to the geographical allocation of public investments. The stimulus for this choice of topic as the main article in our current issue, was the empowerment of the areas around Megalopolis due to investments created by generous subsidies for the operation of industrial plants from the European Union’s Decarbonisation Fund. These subsidies, combined with the positive effects of the construction of a motorway connecting these areas with quick access to the capital, airports, and ports, retain a significant workforce and mitigate regional weakening.

A generalised application of such central policies could be a crucial factor in moderating urbanisation, retaining populations in their traditional homes, locally improving employability, and preserving and expanding local agricultural crops. These quantitative factors are further reinforced by the improved quality of life in the periphery, compared to that of urban areas, especially the capital. Unfortunately, the distribution of state expenditures and the selective financial support of private investments are determined by the country’s central administration. A key criterion for these decisions, aside from the comparative advantages for commercial and industrial activities created by proximity to the political center and a large consumer base, includes political considerations tied to the reproduction of the political system during electoral processes mandated by our democratic system.

However, the central administration is obliged to provide substantial support through the legislative route, as required by the country’s supreme legislative and regulatory framework, the Constitution, particularly Article 101, Paragraph 1: “The administration of the state is organised according to the decentralised system,” and Paragraph 4: “The legislator and the administration must consider the special conditions of island and mountainous regions, ensuring their development”. Unfortunately, the policy of most governments so far has been only a superficial approach to these constitutional mandates. The creation of a second tier of local government and the merging of small municipalities and communities into larger administrative units represent an incomplete implementation of constitutional provisions for decentralised governance, as they are not accompanied by the corresponding transfer of financial resources through independent collection and allocation to development actions by the decentralised bodies.

It is fair to note at this point, that the human resources involved in decentralised local government structures tend to follow the same methods of administration and management as the central administration. Through the distribution of resources transferred from the central government, they shape, or attempt to shape, urbanisation dynamics within their regions. The ultimate result of these management practices is the marginalisation of the remote areas within each region, especially mountainous and disadvantaged areas. Our own region, Mani, falls within this category, experiencing all the aforementioned challenges in their most acute form. The only counteracting factor to these conditions of ongoing degradation of our geographical area can be found in the mobilisation of the local population for collective demands. Unfortunately, as the long-standing behaviour of our local representatives demonstrates, there seems to be no willingness for cooperation aimed at jointly claiming the financial resources our area is entitled to from state allocations for public investments, based on stable factors such as area size, population, and the number of issued building permits. Let us hope that, even belatedly, this will be understood and the necessary collaborative framework for action will be established.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The news that the privatisation tender for Kalamata Airport, which includes its comprehensive restructuring by the awarded consortium, is finally nearing completion, is a significant development for Mani and its residents. This event, expected to attract a significantly higher number of visitors to the larger area, adds to the already observed increase in tourist activity brought about by the completion, some years ago, of the motorway that safely and swiftly connected the capital Athens to Kalamata and Sparta. The economic impact of these major investments on the region could be continuous and upward, as long as we learn to cooperate and promote the fair claims of our land in a coordinated manner.

Gone are the days when the significant number of Mani residents allowed critical issues of the region to be promoted to central government and addressed effectively. The population decline due to internal and external migration as well as the low birth rates, has significantly reduced the political leverage that could be exerted through the region’s once-strong electoral influence. Also nearly extinct are the patriotic politicians of earlier times, who seized every opportunity to advance public projects in our area.

The only way left to take advantage of the positive prospects created by favourable circumstances in the broader geographical area is through collaboration among our local regions, with coordinated efforts led by local government representatives. The historical alliances documented in the past, often reenacted during local anniversary events, are not merely fleeting spectacles or photographic records of individuals. They represent life paths and timeless lessons of effective actions. It would be wise for our representatives to keep these lessons in mind and take them into account when making decisions.

Those who have followed the long-term developments concerning Mani’s progress have noted the prolonged stagnation of critical public works related to the region’s main road axis. Their completion would significantly reduce travel time to the area for users of the motorway and airport. Specifically, two major public works were commissioned: in 1996, the study for bypassing the section Kampos-Stavropigio of the Kalamata-Kardamyli-Areopoli provincial road, and in 2006, the study for the Sparta-Gytheio national road. Nearly 30 years have passed since the first project and 20 years since the second, but minimal progress has been made! Although the responsible authorities are the Peloponnese Region (Περιφέρεια Πελοποννήσου) for the first project and the Ministry of Infrastructure (Υπουργείο Υποδομών) for the second, there are also responsibilities of the local government for tolerating their prolonged stagnation. It appears that it has not been fully understood that the local government, beyond its exclusive responsibilities related to current management issues, has a say and rights regarding significant matters that impact the region’s economy and its residents. While it may not have the budget to fund these projects, it has the capacity to apply pressure on those with actual jurisdiction. Advocacy by its representatives to relevant authorities, publicising the necessity of these projects through the media, and mobilising residents, especially during sensitive electoral periods, are powerful tools with proven effectiveness. However, this requires the local government and its representatives to demonstrate the willingness to organise, coordinate, and direct these actions – something which unfortunately has not been seen in recent years…

Now, with the upgrade of Kalamata Airport set to boost tourism in the Peloponnese through increased flights and organised travel packages, the urgency of improving travel time from the airport to Mani’s tourist destinations becomes imperative. Equally critical is the need for the local government, professional bodies, and cultural organisations to intervene with the relevant authorities to “unblock” the aforementioned road projects. This would ensure that the flow of visitors to Mani benefits the tourism sector and the region as a whole. Specifically, the small bypass project for Kampos-Stavropigio is at an advanced planning stage, requiring only the preparation of the route’s land registry and funding for its tendering. Additionally, the studies for the Kardamyli and Agios Nikon bypasses, as well as the section from the intersection to Monemvasia until Gytheio of the Sparta-Gytheio national road, need to be completed through strong interventions with the authorities, so that funding can subsequently be pursued.

We hope that our recommendations will contribute to the necessary activation of local government and other collective bodies in our region.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

  A law was recently passed by the Parliament aimed at more effectively regulating water management. Its main feature is the restructuring of how water networks are managed. In most areas, except for Attica and the Thessaloniki region, management is handled by the municipalities through municipal water supply companies or through their own budget. The new law aims to establish and operate a water supply company in each prefecture (νομός), which will be responsible for both utilising springs and other water reserves, as well as for the development of distribution networks and the financial management of water consumption.

    The main impetus for this new legislation was the reduction of water reserves due to decreased rainfall and the ineffective way in which municipal water companies or municipalities have been managing water distribution. On one hand, these entities have accumulated deficits in their budgets, and on the other hand, they have unevenly distributed available water quantities, while failing to enhance their water reserves through necessary projects to exploit potential underground sources.

    Τhe issue also concerns the Mani region, which has so far only minimally utilised the water resources hidden within the Taygetus mountain range that runs through it. Furthermore, the management of water quantities distributed to consumers has been anything but fair.

    Because of the seriousness of this issue, we will closely monitor its development over the long period that will be required until this legislation reaches the level of practical implementation and will keep our readers informed.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Widespread collusion and corruption is a global phenomenon. It is closely connected to the political developments of the post-industrial period, which had two main characteristics: the overcoming of ideological frameworks and the overdevelopment of individualism. Since the theoretical bases of ideologies led to shared values that defined the boundaries of citizens’ lives and activities, the weakening of ideologies has critically undermined those values, reducing their general acceptance. As a result, individual interests have emerged as a dominant pursuit, overturning the delicate balance between personal and social interests.

The promotion of social goals and prospects, centered around state administrations, has been eroded under these emerging trends. Individual pursuits by certain members within administration and management have played a role in upsetting the balance between personal and social interests. This has created collusion, which promotes private interests through the machinery of state administration. Such activities have become the main cause of the proliferation of corruption, spreading across a broad spectrum of the economy, the structures of the wider public sector, and those people dealing with them.

It would be discouraging if such phenomena led citizens, those who still believe in principles and values and aspire to transparent and efficient governance, to abandon their critisicm in this kind of situations and to attempt to intervene, both in word and action, in order to combat these issues. The frequently expressed political will of the state to take measures that expose and suppress such phenomena is a motivating factor in this endeavour. However, the declared government intention for reforms must focus on addressing this kind of phenomena in a radical way, starting with the detection of their hidden forms and following through to the exposure of their anti-social consequences.

The public disclosure of all financial transactions involving the state could empower citizens to access and process relevant information, particularly within the sphere of their interest, to identify illegal activities. These open procedures, through the publication of all their aspects, can form an initial barrier to tendencies toward collusion and corruption. Citizens have welcomed two broad-based initiatives from previous governments: the establishment of the Supreme Council for Civil Personnel Selection (ASEP) in 1994, under the ministry of Anastasios Peponis, for public sector recruitment, and the Transparency (Diavgeia) program in 2010, which mandates the publication of all decisions by state agencies and public organisations.

Additionally, the establishment of the Internal Affairs Directorate within the Greek Police in 1999 and the Financial Police Directorate in 2014 has significantly advanced efforts to combat collusion and corruption, although their effectiveness varies depending on the leadership in place. These institutions, along with the development of the Information Technology sector over the decades that have intervened since then, constitute an initial barrier against collusion and corruption. However, experience has shown that these measures are insufficient, particularly as trends toward privatising public goods intensify over time.

The main obstacle to creating a healthier environment lies in the very structure of the public sector and the mentality that characterises much of the hierarchy, from top to bottom. Indifference and guilty silence in response to attempts to share critical information are key traits of this mindset, ultimately leading concerned citizens to give up their efforts to seek relevant data or abandon their desire for in-depth investigations into the actions of public administrations and organisations. The European Commission’s expertise in establishing and operating the Internal Audit Service, tasked with monitoring and controlling its services while providing guidance under the direct supervision of a judicial body (the European Court of Auditors), could serve as a model for our country. It is widely acknowledged that the public works sector, in particular, requires radical reform, along with continuous monitoring and oversight to ensure the efficient use of public funds.

The above issues, as noted, also affect organisations, funded by the state, such as local governments. Similar proposals for internal control and monitoring of local government affairs in our region, Mani, are especially necessary given the limited financial resources, which demand maximum efficiency.

                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

We have become accustomed to referring to small and large homelands and loving them equally. This perspective carries emotional undertones and forms a harmonious relationship between the two homelands. Unfortunately, in many cases where an economic aspect is involved, harmony breaks down, and elements of competition emerge. This is the cause of the emergence of regionalism, defined as attachment to the interests of one’s particular homeland or region and indifference to the interests of the broader area. The background of localism can be traced to the traditional relationships of individuals within families and small settlements, where complementary productive and economic activities were developed, forming the basis for shared understanding and emotional interconnection. However, growing economic needs and the search for safe living conditions against external dangers led individual areas to seek joint actions with neighbouring regions, in order to establish a magnitude that could meet needs and neutralise risks. These processes involve the whole wide spectrum that corresponds to the concept of “place”: villages, provinces, countries, and transnational associations. A problem arises when the economic aspect prevails over the emotional one, leading to competition and the rise of localism.

In our region, Mani, the concept of localism, like many other concepts, has taken on specific characteristics. These can be expressed by a single sentence: love for one’s village of origin, but also a willingness to collaborate in a wider area when high-level security issues are at stake. These tendencies have strong historical backgrounds. They are based on the patrilineal formations of families and settlements and the strong cohesion among their members. The competitive tendencies between neighbouring families were related to the productive utilisation of the generally limited land resources. However, these competitive tendencies disappeared when their security was threatened by an external enemy. Cooperation then transcended competition and local rivalries. These specific characteristics led to significant historical events during the four centuries of Ottoman rule, of which we, their descendants, are proud. The question today is, what are we doing in this era? Are we going to let the extensions of localism, based on customs or genetic heritage, dominate us, or will we recognise the enormous changes that have occurred since the old times and rally to win the battles of modern life as well? There is an urgent need to closely link individual interest with social interest, family progress with wider social, and, more generally, national progress.

Specifically for our region, Mani, which is rich in historical memories, it is essential to have as a starting point the rallies of our ancestors, which significantly contributed to the liberation of the country in the 1820s. Note, for example, that the bravest warrior at the Battle of Verga, at the extreme northwestern point of Mani, was from Skyfianika in Lower Mani. He fought voluntarily for the unified homeland, Mani, and for the preservation of its autonomy and freedom.

In modern times, the need for security, which used to lead to alliances for joint actions, has receded. However, there are now other strong reasons that compel joint actions. Addressing the marginalisation of our region in the distribution of state subsidies and assisting the developmental trend that emanates from the natural, climatic, and cultural characteristics of the unified Mani region are strong motivating factors. The reshaping of local governance, with the creation of only two mayoral centers, is a positive starting point for discussions that would have been impossible with the previous fragmentation into more than a hundred autonomous local administrative units that existed until the end of the last century. Another important factor is the unified ecclesiastical expression, the Diocese of Mani, which, even by its name, points to actions for forming a unified character for such endeavours. Of course, the maturation of conditions leading to a unified plan for joint actions requires conscious will, effort, and selfless, emotional efforts. The representatives of the three institutional expressions mentioned earlier (the two mayoral centers and the Diocese of Mani) have the main responsibility to start this process through their initiatives and actions. It is certain that if this begins and all the benefits that can arise from the completion of such plans become apparent, localisms will gradually recede, and more of our compatriots will support these initiatives. And our ancestors will rejoice, knowing that their descendants are proving themselves worthy of them.                                                                                                                                

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

In the editorial of the previous issue of our newspaper, we concluded: Two key actions (the ecclesiastical unification of the entire territorial region under the name of the Metropolis of Mani in 2010 and the determination of the will for cooperation across all areas for common developmental purposes through the establishment of the Mani Development Company in 1995 as a corporation with all local communities as shareholders) created a strong combined dynamic. This dynamic could serve as a starting point for generalised mobilisation of all the micro-societies of the Mani region and its cultural expressions. In particular, the unifying force, which exists as a possibility in the local ecclesiastical expression, could mobilise all the human resources of the region and our compatriots, both in Greece and abroad, in order to promote common goals of restructuring and development. The formulation of such a roadmap, and only this, could give substantial meaning to the concept of “Unified Mani” that we all advocate.

The forerunner of this idea, a sensitive and resourceful compatriot of ours, the philologist-historian Sarantos Kargakos, who is no longer with us, had already articulated this vision as early as 1996 in an article in the newspaper “Eleftheros Typos” titled “Mani, the Wronged”.  We transcribe the main part of it below, as it was recently reintroduced in publications by the always active journalist Ilias N. Christeas:

“As a Maniot, I experience a psychological split. It is difficult to define myself as either a Laconian or a Messinian. This is because Mani was divided, with one part, Aposkiaderi (Western Mani), annexed to Messinia, while Prosiiliaki (Eastern Mani) and Mesa Mani were annexed to Laconia. Thus, Mani, which should have become a separate prefecture covering the entire Taygetos up to Alagonia, lost its autonomy. Unfortunately, the administrative fragmentation, which certainly served the ambitions of some Maniots (MPs in Laconia — MPs in Messinia), harmed Mani as a region. Its population shrank. However, the administrative division did not lead to a psychological one. A Maniot is a Maniot, whether residing in Messinian or Laconian Mani. Maniots retain their most solid characteristics, even in their appearance.

However, this division constitutes a great injustice. Mani has done a lot for Greece. Some of it was negative, like the assassination of Kapodistrias, even though Kapodistrias treated the Mavromichali family unjustly. Except for some areas of Macedonia, no other region has honoured Mani’s contributions.

I would like to propose something simple: The conditions are now ripe for Mani (Messinian and Laconian) to become a unified prefecture: Nομός Μάνης. This would rectify a great historical injustice. It is the least Greece owes to Mani. The elevation of Mani to a prefecture would offer immense opportunities to the region, first of all creating a solid number of prefecture employees. As a prefecture, Mani would have the ability to participate in the European Community’s development programs, absorb its own resources, and no longer be the poor relation of Messinia and Laconia, which supposedly lives off tourism, while in reality, it lives from the sale of land and towers to foreigners. Within a single Mani prefecture, Maniots would continue – despite their eternal differences (after all, what kind of Maniots would they be otherwise?) – to maintain the unique cultural characteristics of their lineage. As for where the prefecture’s seat would be, today with the progress in transportation and communication, these are trivial problems.

Mani, in order to avoid being destroyed as a region – i.e., to avoid becoming a German “Kreis” (meaning an administrative region with a majority of foreign residents) – needs all its villages. Maniots once declared: ‘When Mani is united, it raises great warriors.’ That is, when Maniots are united, they are invincible.”

Not much can be added to what was expressed around 30 years ago. We will focus on three points: 1) The Metropolis of Mani is now a reality and could become the nucleus of developments leading in this direction. 2) Given the restricted development potential of the country through the administrative framework of the existing Regions, there is often talk about reducing their numbers and reshaping them so that they consist of Sub-Regions (περιφερειακές ενότητες) with homogeneous traditional characteristics, territorial, demographic, and genetic. (It should be noted that this last element was the main argument for the joint proposal by the local government bodies (αυτοδιοικητικοί φορείς) of Mani for funding of 2 billion drachmas through the European Community Initiative LEADER II in 1995). 3) On the central political stage, there is at least one compatriot who is driven by the same emotional connection to the land and our ancestors as expressed by Sarantos Kargakos.

It remains for us to focus on the unification idea and unite. The rest will come because “when Maniots are united, they are invincible.”

                                                                                                            THE EDITORIAL BOARD

MANI: IDEAS FOR THE FORMULATION OF A COHERENT PLAN OF ACTION AND IMPLEMENTATION

The main article of the previous issue, which referred to the genomic origins and customary practices formed over centuries, concluded: Systematic genomic comparisons of contemporary individuals with scientifically documented genomes from racial groups that history has recorded as having settled in our region during the Middle Ages and mixed with its Eleutherolakonian inhabitants could lead to conclusions about behavioural tendencies created on the basis of these racial affinities. Most importantly, however, these comparisons of the inhabitants of modern Mani and those who emigrated, with the genome of inhabitants of the region from 3-4 centuries ago, will undoubtedly reveal the multifaceted common characteristics found throughout the entire geographical area. This element, now substantiated, should lead to common actions by individuals with Maniot genetic roots to successfully addressing future challenges related to the promotion of our region.

The groups of citizens who have in the past expressed themselves publically, incorporating the concept of unity over the past three decades and more, are attempting, with whatever means the circumstances allow, to promote these genetic and customary practices. In this way, there is also some softening of egocentric tendencies and a connection of individual benefit with the common developmental and cultural goals of Mani. Unfortunately, very few other actions moving in this direction have been recorded during the period in question. Only two are noteworthy, the first because it has a strong basis that can lead to efficiency and the second, despite its negative outcome, can serve as a model for opening dialogues between the various regions of Mani and synthesing views to create cohesive plans and find pathways for their implementation.

The first action concerns the renaming of the local Diocese from Diocese of Gytheio and Oitylo to Diocese of Mani, which emerged in 2010 following a decision by the Synod of the Hierarchy of the Church of Greece. It cannot be characterised as a typical action because its boundaries did not change. On the contrary, it was a significant event because it brought the concept of “Mani,” lost since the 9th century, back to the ecclesiastical forefront. Naturally, this provided the opportunity for the associative expansion of the new ecclesiastical name into the socio-political space of the area and its inhabitants, to our compatriots in the diaspora, and before the entire state territory. The renaming did not come easily. Besides the conscious will of our local social expressions and then archibishop Chrysostomos, it required substantiation with a well-documented memorandum on the historical origin of the name compiled by the late scholar Dikaios Vayiakakos, as well as support from many Maniots and Philomaniots in Athens.This project has a solid foundation for success.

The second action concerns the founding of the Development Company of Mani in 1996, with headquarters in Oitylo. It was a corporation with shareholders being the four Development Associations of our area, based in Kardamyli, Areopoli, Gytheio, and Agios Nikolaos Smynou respectively, and almost all local government organisations of Mani as members. Its founding and operational start arose as a necessary condition for claiming one of the three agrotourism programs with ΕU funding allocated to the Peloponnese, concerning socially homogeneous areas without urban centers. All preparatory actions, the creation of its legal entity, the gathering of share capital with shareholders being the four Development Associations and their member local government organisations, and the selection of private investors for agrotourism projects, were conducted in a spirit of absolute harmony with successive meetings of the coordinating group and the investment proposal evaluation group. Thus, the goal was achieved, and the initial allocation of EU and state funding amounting to 1.5 billion drachmas was approved, intended for cultural enhancement projects and privately subsidised agrotourism programs at 50%. Unfortunately, this substantial financial foundation and its intended autonomous management by the Company’s representatives were not well-received by the politicians. Consequently, the traditional internal conflicts and quarrels arose, resulting in the loss of 90% of the projected funding and the eventual dissolution of the Company! This project, despite its failure, offers a model for future dialogue and planning.

The combined impact of these two actions shows the potential for unified efforts across Mani and it could serve as a starting point for the joint activity of all micro-societies in the Mani region and their cultural expressions. In particular, the unifying force, which is inherent in the local ecclesiastical expression with the manifestation of the will to act, could unite the entire human potential of the area and our compatriots at home and abroad, for the promotion of common restructuring and developmental goals. The formation of such a roadmap, and only this one, could give substantial meaning to the concept of “Unified Mani,” which we all invoke.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD