No one can dispute that the government, thanks to the strong political instinct of the Prime Minister, brought to our country generous funding from all the European Community Funds. The numbers themselves attest to this, showing our country first among the European Union countries in Community funding. However, what is more important than the volume of funding is its effectiveness and, even more so, the diffusion of its results across society. Regarding this matter, many objections are raised, some of which we will try to present below.

Now that the duration of funding from most Community Funds is coming to an end, the concept of “absorption capacity” is re-emerging intensely. This means we are seeking ways to spend the money, so that it does not return unspent to the European Union’s coffers.  To achieve this, the usual strict requirements are largely relaxed in the following areas: project study quality, ensuring the effectiveness of bidding terms, widely publicising the proposals for bids and proactively addressing any obstacles until contracts are signed and executed smoothly according to specifications.  This relaxation of the smooth flow of these procedures ultimately leads to a reduction in their efficiency, which is ultimately reflected in the impression they leave on the average citizen. The significant difference between effectiveness and absorption capacity, a common phenomenon in our country, ultimately gives a negative impression when evaluating the final results of the funding in comparison with most other EU countries.

Based on evidence from how Community Programs have been managed over many past decades, serious shortcomings are documented throughout the process—from the selection of projects included in these programs to their completion. The outcome is that effectiveness has been largely weakened, often due to a multitude of shortcuts. While government inefficiency plays a part, it is not the only factor. Many types of shortcuts are evident, resulting in rushed studies that require revisions, cause significant delays, large financial costs, and deliver final results far different from what was initially intended. It is worth investigating to what extent political or micro-political motivations are involved in the overall network of ineffectiveness. Unfortunately, this is difficult to determine, as effective domestic control mechanisms have not been institutionalised during the many decades of our country’s European course.

Some deviations from legality come to light through audits by competent Community bodies, such as the European Court of Auditors and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, which unfortunately have limited jurisdiction—only regarding the lawful administrative management of Community funding, which, however, is implemented under the domestic legal framework. These audits, which are unfortunately only conducted on a sample basis due to the large number of projects, result in some cases in fines and reimbursement of funding, and in even fewer cases, in referrals of individuals to criminal justice, but only for offences strictly related to the management of Community funds. The fines and reimbursement of funds are quietly paid from the state budget, but the criminal procedures are publicly accessible and reach broader audiences, thus provoking more generalised concerns. Unfortunately, our country lacks significant investigative journalism that could highlight the scale and consequences of some Community funds whose outcomes clearly diverge from those initially intended—thus serving as a model for broader public awareness and understanding of the causes that lead to their limited impact on living standards.

Phenomena like those mentioned above in the management of Community funds have also occurred in our region, Mani. From the Community fundings thirty years ago under the measure “Improving Transport Connectivity of Mountainous Areas”, through the initiative of the then Prefect of Messinia, Panagiotis Foteas, the road projects Exochori–Saidona and Platza–Milea were included and implemented. Unfortunately, due to excessive budget overruns beyond what was determined in the technical-economic studies of these projects, large financial resources were spent from the next Community Support Framework to complete them. The later road project Gytheio – Areopoli – Gerolimenas (in sections) suffered a similar fate, with its budget revisions reaching a double-digit number.

What citizens have not understood is that budget overruns in projects—especially those funded by European resources—deprive opportunities to fund equally necessary future projects. In other words, they have not grasped that if part of the funding “pie” entitled to each region is consumed inefficiently, there remains only a small slice to meet many needs…

                                                                                                                                              THE EDITORIAL BOARD

ESSENTIAL PREREQUISITES FOR WATER SUFFICIENCY IN MANI

As the summer season begins, a familiar debate resurfaces in Mani about whether the water supply provided by municipal water services is sufficient to meet consumption demands. In reality, this conversation should be taking place at the end of the previous summer season, not at the onset of a new one. It does not take much reflection for any reasonable observer to reach the conclusion that water sufficiency is not a matter for superficial approach. It requires holistic planning and effective management—particularly by those who bear the responsibility and have been entrusted with creating adequate water supply in their regions. These are the areas for which they were elected to manage crucial issues affecting both the present and the future, and among these, water sufficiency ranks as one of the most pressing—especially given the significant growth of tourism in the region.

A key prerequisite for any planning—especially on critical issues such as water—is the objective recording of the data. Only then can planning be translated into specific measures, projects, and actions whose completion will lead to the desired outcome of sufficiency. Management competence in dealing with such complex issues is not an honorary title; it either emerges or not from the objective capabilities of the personnel who, through the electoral process, have been given the mandate to manage these critical regional concerns, such as water sufficiency. Where such capacity is lacking, legislation provides the option to enhance the local administration by hiring qualified staff possessing such skills —within, of course, the financial means of the governing body.

Our newspaper, Maniot Solidarity, intervenes in this discussion in an advisory capacity, drawing on experience from effective actions undertaken by members of our administrative team in previous decades.

It is our view that the water accumulated annually in the region of Mani—in the form of surface springs and underground basins—has the potential to meet current population needs, and even allow for moderate future growth. The primary evidence for this comes from the springs flowing from the Agia Marina cave in Eastern Mani, which—thanks to the geological composition of its rocks—can be easily captured and channelled for consumption, without pumping costs, due to elevation differences. Such favourable conditions do not exist on the western slopes of Taygetos. However, the transverse fault that extends to both sides of the mountain is the same. On the eastern side, it feeds the river Smynos, which winds its way to the beach of Mavrovouni in Gytheio. On the western side, the fault leads from Kato Chora of Milea to the submarine springs (βλυχάδες) of Stoupa.

In conclusion: The long and majestic Taygetos range conceals within its depths vast water reservoirs. This water is gathered from its expansive slopes and snow-covered peaks, as well as from the drainage basin of Megalopolis at the mountain’s northern edge. Due to the limestone character and the metamorphic nature of most of its rocks, the largest volume of water slides deep into its bowels, from where most overflows and springs emerge.

These observations make clear—even to the naked eye—the process that research must follow in order to make use of the water currently being lost to the sea. A naïve approach would focus on springs discharging directly into the sea. However, given the high energy cost of pumping, the difficulty of maintaining a steady flow across submerged channels, and especially the additional cost of transporting the water to the elevated areas where it is needed, this solution must be rejected outright. Research for locating underground basins must be oriented towards areas near the terrestrial fault and always avoiding soils with possible salinisation from seawater inflow due to its greater penetrating capacity. This method represents the only viable path toward harnessing a portion of the abundant water resources with which Taygetos has endowed Mani—resources that, unfortunately, remain largely untapped. It is essential to seek scientific support from the appropriate state agency, the Hellenic Authority for Geological and Mineral Research (ΕΑΓΜΕ – Ελληνική Αρχή Γεωλογικών και Μεταλλευτικών Ερευνών), the successor to the Institute of Geological and Mineral Exploration (ΙΓΜΕ – Ινστιτούτο Γεωλογικών και Μεταλλευτικών Ερευνών). Directing research efforts towards areas identified by major land ruptures (streams, ravines) will increase the chances of locating underground flow paths that currently carry freshwater into the sea.

In the past three decades, hundreds of thousands of euros have been spent on failed attempts to enhance the water supply in Mani—especially in the western part. It is therefore crucial that the understandable concern of local authorities be paired with mature, data-driven planning and a synthetic understanding of all relevant factors.

In the short term, efforts should focus on addressing the numerous leaks—both hidden and visible—within the water supply network. At the same time, the revenue collection system must be made more efficient to help balance the budget. Finally, once the summer season ends, it is imperative that a more effective approach be developed to tackle this vital issue—so central to the sustainable development of our region.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

With the “opening up” of our region 3–4 decades ago, new residents were drawn to its unique natural, climatic and cultural features. For the first time since Mani appeared as a distinct entity in historical records, the integration of these newcomers, due to their number and diversity, has become a very difficult task. This is what leads us to seek, in various ways, the recording, evaluation, and promotion of the region’s social and historical characteristics, aiming to offer elements of self-awareness to our fellow citizens and to deepen the understanding of the area for those new residents who have chosen to settle here.

To serve this goal, we at MANIOT SOLIDARITY are especially drawn to researching the flow of social and historical elements of our region, as recorded by notable intellectuals of Mani, those who became widely recognised writers and journalists over the two centuries of the modern Greek state. We republish their texts, particularly those closely connected to our region, their homeland. Our readers have, of course, understood this by simply observing each issue. However, our exploration of such texts has also led us to a comparative approach between the quality of writing in books and journalistic texts of older periods and the current one, which we would like to present below. We do this to better justify our choices and to connect them to a broader framework for helping new residents become acquainted with our region.

The literary and journalistic texts of earlier times are characterised by structure and precision, with meanings that are immediately understandable. The texts are dense with content, directly accessible to their readers. These features form a quality archive of documented material that outlines our land and defines the concept of MANI both as a place and as a way of life for its people. We make these observations in contrast to much of the literary and journalistic output of today, emphasizing our determination not to follow this general trend, but instead to draw inspiration from the journalism of the past.

Modern technologies, as they have evolved, have created a deluge of information through contemporary communication channels (radio, television, print and digital media, and the internet). Today’s citizen endures this endless flow 24 hours day, which whether you look at it or turn your gaze away, is always there to overwhelm you. Today’s citizen has “matured” under its influence and now “lives” through headlines with capital letters on screens, thus devaluing the significance of capital letters of the old writing, which were crucial elements for structuring the most important chapters of our very lives. 

At MANIOT SOLIDARITY we strive to adopt only those characteristics of new technology that do not compromise the quality and richness of written language and meanings, as these were taught to us a few decades ago by our elders —at home and in school— and as we continue to see them reflected in older writings. From the very first issue, our primary goal has been to combat information overload. We attempt this by filtering the news and limiting it to that which directly or indirectly concerns our broader region. Our principle is that news should not be a dry report, but should include a critical perspective and a thoughtful commentary, always presented gently, with the aim of encouraging readers to reflect. We also reject any attempt to create a climate of petty political manipulation through the repeated presentation of the same news at different stages of its development, avoiding the deliberate misinformation that this tactic can cause. We prioritise news based on the social benefit that can be produced by implementing its content, while identifying and silencing elements of subjective bias.

Ultimately, we are convinced that the course we follow in crafting the content of each issue not only counters the phenomenon of information overload, an endemic illness in modern communication, but also offers reliable and objective information about our region. This contributes not only to strengthening pride in our homeland, but also to the harmonious integration of Mani’s new residents. These aims are also embedded in the mission of our non-profit association of the same name, which has been publishing this newspaper for 27 years.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The situation that prevails at this time in the socio-political system of the country, both at the highest level and largely at its lower-level structures as well, leads to the search for and presentation of well-documented scientific analyses related to its main characteristics and also the causes that shaped these conditions. An important source for such an approach is the German sociologist and political economist Max Weber, and more specifically, his concise analysis of the political system in a lecture he gave to his students shortly after the end of World War I, in 1918, titled: “Politics as a Vocation”.

We present key points from its content: «Political leaders of all levels of power are divided into two main categories: those who live “for” politics and those who live “off” politics. The politician who lives “for” politics makes this activity synonymous with “the content of his life”. He moves through life either enjoying the sense of power he exercises, or deriving his inner balance and the feeling of self-worth from the awareness that his life acquires meaning by serving a “purpose”. With this inner meaning, every sincere person who lives “for” a purpose also lives “from” that purpose. Whoever lives “off” politics as a profession, strives to make it a permanent source of income, whoever lives “for” politics does not do so. On the basis of this distinction, the concept of a “calling” to power is also formed for those who exhibit characteristics of individuals who possess the charisma of a “leader”, that is, individuals who belong to the category of those who live “for” politics. The devotion created by the charisma of the “leader” means that people do not obey him because of customs or decrees, but because they believe in him. The leader himself lives for his purpose and “cares” for his work». It should be noted that the concept of leader in the text extends throughout the social spectrum, including the states and their individual administrative and self-governing structures, the religious expressions and the trade union associations.

The elements that emerge from this content, linked to the events of more than a century that has passed since then, are confirmed by the recorded results that were created in states and in other structures of power. The few leaders who responded to the moral “calling” that was validated through the electoral process and functioned “for” politics during the exercise of the power that was entrusted to them, led countries – or their respective institutional structures – to prosperity and qualitative reform. The opposite occurred with those leaders whose actions, as recorded by history, lead to the conclusion that they lived “off” politics.

These historical observations should be strongly considered during critical periods when the population groups are called upon to elect the leaders who will guide them into the future, especially when the time context points to difficult economic conditions that threaten social cohesion and the smooth functioning of social institutions. Unfortunately, we are currently living in such a period, and the evaluation of leaderships based on Max Weber’s criterion, is emerging as a necessity for every citizen who participates in any form of institutional expression.

The category of those who live “off” politics has evolved over time, has taken on various forms, and has spread into the wider social sphere, so that its intentions are not perceived. It attempts, through the confusion it creates, to be perceived as its opposite, in order to enjoy the social acceptance necessary for its dominance.To achieve this goal, it creates subordinate systems of decentralized power in which it integrates a swarm of individuals who operate in the same way – that is, they live “off” politics – while simultaneously attempting to blur citizens’ vision, as they try to distinguish those politicians who, through the “calling”, seek to embody the characteristics of the leader who lives “for” politics: someone who offers his/her natural and intellectual abilities, for the benefit of the community.

An insightful observation of the current political landscape will certainly lead the informed citizens to a clear distinction between those who are involved in politics and to their classification into one of the two opposing categories of leaders according to Max Weber – and to determine their support accordingly. Especially in decentralized forms of power, such as local government, due to the proximity between the observer and the observed, the distinction is easier and the subsequent classification can lead to choices that result in effectiveness and social prosperity…

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

ANNIVERSARY

It was April 1999 when the first issue of our newspaper MANIOT SOLIDARITY was published. Tentatively and cautiously, we tried to find a path to shape the impulse that led us to this form of expression. Our vision for a Mani of the future, worthy of our heroic ancestors, was particularly strong. Thus, we gradually overcame the numerous obstacles, ranging from technical issues, passing through financial difficulties, and culminating in those that required rapid adaptation to the modern technology of print media. Year by year, we acquired the necessary know-how, which, combined with the personal processing of our source material, resulted in the form and content of the newspaper you now hold in your hands.

Our main goal was based on the idea that Mani is not only a place, but also a way of life. A way of life that we, the older generations, acquired through our upbringing and carry in our genes, passing it on to our descendants. This way of life is recorded in every issue of this publication, accumulated issue by issue, condensed into our books and other publications, showcased on our website, disseminated, and digitally stored so that it is available in future times. This content also contributes to the smooth integration into our land of many new residents who have settled in our villages in recent decades, much like the major population assimilations that occurred in the Mani region in past centuries.

On this anniversary, we deem it appropriate to analyse in detail the structure and content of each issue of our newspaper:

The smooth transition from the title to the content is achieved through the main article, which follows the title on the front page. We ensure that its content incorporates elements and nuances of SOLIDARITY, offering analyses of ideas and events related to broader social issues that emerge in current affairs. Page 1 is filled with news closely linked to our region, its developmental progress, or major milestones in its historical course.

The topics highlighted on pages 2, 3, 4, and 10 focus on history, folklore, nature, and culture in our area, as they have been recorded in the past and are evolving to this day. Special emphasis is placed on the farewell of Nikitas Nifakis, the first Maniot scholar and enlightenment figure, who is consistently featured at the top right of page 3 as a timeless inspiration for us all. We consider particularly effective the interconnection of the above-mentioned elements (history, folklore, nature and culture) that has been created in the three texts that are currently published in continuations in these pages.

Pages 6 and 7 are dedicated to showcasing development projects in our wider region, identifying their implementation methods and challenges in the process until their completion. Pages 5 and 12 cover opinion articles that also reflect the ideas of SOLIDARITY, as they relate to current events and circumstances. Pages 9 and 11 are devoted to recording small news items concerning our wider region, as they appear in current affairs each month. As our discerning readers may have noticed, from the very first issue, crime reports are entirely absent, as such publications do not align with the objectives of our newspaper and association.

On our website www.maniatiki.gr, a selected portion of the content from the print edition of MANIOT SOLIDARITY is uploaded each month, along with significant texts containing historical and geographical details about Mani and the settlements of its three major regions. The inclusion of translated articles in English enables second and third-generation compatriots in reconnecting with their ancestral homeland, as well as foreigners who have settled in our area. Additionally, incorporating advertisements entrusted to us by local professionals for the print edition enhances the visibility of their businesses or activities (information on the high traffic of our website is provided on page 3).

We believe that the continued publication and distribution of books and photographic albums about our region provide a strong boost to advancing the objectives of the non-profit association that publishes this newspaper. Particularly noteworthy are the following titles: PAGES FROM THE HISTORY OF MANI(in two volumes), TRAVEL ROUTES IN MANI(in two volumes), MANI IN FOREIGN-LANGUAGE BOOKS, and MANI – TIMELESS EVOLUTION OF 10 MAJOR REGIONS.

On the occasion of this anniversary, with the support and trust of our loyal subscribers, we wish to express our determination to continue this work for as long as our physical and mental capabilities allow…

                                                                                                    THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The political upheavals of this period on a global scale, particularly the initial measures taken by the new government of the USA, bring the concept of “bureaucracy” back into focus. This concept refers to the independence of an institution’s administrative processes from the goals of the social groups that established it to achieve their intended purposes. When an institution’s administration becomes autonomous, it can lead to increased privileges for administrators. This shift may result in significant economic resources being diverted from their original social purposes to support the administration’s interests. As is immediately apparent, the dominance of such conditions in the administration of institutional practices reduces the economic efficiency of their mandated social objectives in favour of the interests of their administrative groups.

The terms “bureaucracy” and “bureaucratic mechanisms” were widely used in the criticism made by sociologists and political thinkers regarding the way state administration was conducted by regimes imposed in Eastern Europe after the October Revolution of 1917 or following the end of World War II. According to this criticism, party mechanisms formed an extensive system for advancing the interests of this group, which were significantly different from the interests of society as a whole. The ultimate result of this divergence of interests was the economic collapse of these countries, due in part to the widespread withdrawal of genuine willingness to participate in the advancement of state objectives by a large percentage of their populations.

According to sociological approaches, such phenomena stem from human nature itself and the extension of the instinct of self-preservation, which, when exercising power in public institutions, seeks to maximise personal gain. These tendencies can be balanced in two ways: through education and strong legislation. The first, if it has a generalised humanistic character, leads to models that balance individual and social interests—both in terms of improving the quality of life and through the increased economic outcomes produced by coordinated social actions. The second can, through the establishment of institutional counterweights, prevent the dominance of bureaucratic mechanisms or even create mechanisms of social control in every societal expression. Social control mechanisms emerge where nuclei of active citizens form, i.e., groups of individuals with social consciousness who are driven to resist the bureaucratisation of institutions and to create de facto organisational structures. These structures, through the increased social pressure they generate, can eventually be institutionalised.

A broad field for the dominance of bureaucratic mechanisms is found in administrative organisations managing financial resources, where individuals or groups with long-term tenures oversee their management. A crucial factor in limiting this phenomenon is the institutionalisation of decentralised institutional expressions since the actions of their administrative bodies are more accessible to the citizens within their jurisdiction. Local government organisations fall into this category because of the regularly scheduled electoral processes that determine the political figures responsible for their administration and financial management. Additionally, the close proximity between the governed and governing creates another positive factor for effective interventions by groups of active citizens within their area of jurisdiction. The primary goal of these interventions in combating the bureaucratic approach to handling affairs by elected and service officials is the broad publication of data.

In this direction, the progress made in computer science offers the opportunity for substantial public information and pressure for the revitalisation of initiatives such as “Diavgeia” (Transparency), which, over time, have been stripped of their original essential content as it was defined in the explanatory report accompanying the voting of the relevant law in Parliament (Peponis Law). A similar hollowing-out process has affected most websites maintained by local government organisations. Either they contain minimal information, or they serve as platforms for showcasing spectacular aspects of these organisations’ activities. These websites could become key tools for genuine information regarding financial management by publishing all financial data, fully describing ongoing projects, and providing detailed breakdowns of expenditures at each phase and by region. In this way, social control would become meaningful and would help combat tendencies toward the bureaucratisation of social affairs before their manifestation, through self-restraint.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD  

By following the population development of Mani since the early decades of the modern Greek state, we observe its continuous weakening through migrations, either in waves or with a slow flow. The causes, both general and specific, have been analysed through numerous and diverse approaches published in the columns of our newspaper during the more than 25 years of its publication. What we will attempt to explore in this text is the connection between regional weakening and central political decisions, particularly those related to the geographical allocation of public investments. The stimulus for this choice of topic as the main article in our current issue, was the empowerment of the areas around Megalopolis due to investments created by generous subsidies for the operation of industrial plants from the European Union’s Decarbonisation Fund. These subsidies, combined with the positive effects of the construction of a motorway connecting these areas with quick access to the capital, airports, and ports, retain a significant workforce and mitigate regional weakening.

A generalised application of such central policies could be a crucial factor in moderating urbanisation, retaining populations in their traditional homes, locally improving employability, and preserving and expanding local agricultural crops. These quantitative factors are further reinforced by the improved quality of life in the periphery, compared to that of urban areas, especially the capital. Unfortunately, the distribution of state expenditures and the selective financial support of private investments are determined by the country’s central administration. A key criterion for these decisions, aside from the comparative advantages for commercial and industrial activities created by proximity to the political center and a large consumer base, includes political considerations tied to the reproduction of the political system during electoral processes mandated by our democratic system.

However, the central administration is obliged to provide substantial support through the legislative route, as required by the country’s supreme legislative and regulatory framework, the Constitution, particularly Article 101, Paragraph 1: “The administration of the state is organised according to the decentralised system,” and Paragraph 4: “The legislator and the administration must consider the special conditions of island and mountainous regions, ensuring their development”. Unfortunately, the policy of most governments so far has been only a superficial approach to these constitutional mandates. The creation of a second tier of local government and the merging of small municipalities and communities into larger administrative units represent an incomplete implementation of constitutional provisions for decentralised governance, as they are not accompanied by the corresponding transfer of financial resources through independent collection and allocation to development actions by the decentralised bodies.

It is fair to note at this point, that the human resources involved in decentralised local government structures tend to follow the same methods of administration and management as the central administration. Through the distribution of resources transferred from the central government, they shape, or attempt to shape, urbanisation dynamics within their regions. The ultimate result of these management practices is the marginalisation of the remote areas within each region, especially mountainous and disadvantaged areas. Our own region, Mani, falls within this category, experiencing all the aforementioned challenges in their most acute form. The only counteracting factor to these conditions of ongoing degradation of our geographical area can be found in the mobilisation of the local population for collective demands. Unfortunately, as the long-standing behaviour of our local representatives demonstrates, there seems to be no willingness for cooperation aimed at jointly claiming the financial resources our area is entitled to from state allocations for public investments, based on stable factors such as area size, population, and the number of issued building permits. Let us hope that, even belatedly, this will be understood and the necessary collaborative framework for action will be established.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The news that the privatisation tender for Kalamata Airport, which includes its comprehensive restructuring by the awarded consortium, is finally nearing completion, is a significant development for Mani and its residents. This event, expected to attract a significantly higher number of visitors to the larger area, adds to the already observed increase in tourist activity brought about by the completion, some years ago, of the motorway that safely and swiftly connected the capital Athens to Kalamata and Sparta. The economic impact of these major investments on the region could be continuous and upward, as long as we learn to cooperate and promote the fair claims of our land in a coordinated manner.

Gone are the days when the significant number of Mani residents allowed critical issues of the region to be promoted to central government and addressed effectively. The population decline due to internal and external migration as well as the low birth rates, has significantly reduced the political leverage that could be exerted through the region’s once-strong electoral influence. Also nearly extinct are the patriotic politicians of earlier times, who seized every opportunity to advance public projects in our area.

The only way left to take advantage of the positive prospects created by favourable circumstances in the broader geographical area is through collaboration among our local regions, with coordinated efforts led by local government representatives. The historical alliances documented in the past, often reenacted during local anniversary events, are not merely fleeting spectacles or photographic records of individuals. They represent life paths and timeless lessons of effective actions. It would be wise for our representatives to keep these lessons in mind and take them into account when making decisions.

Those who have followed the long-term developments concerning Mani’s progress have noted the prolonged stagnation of critical public works related to the region’s main road axis. Their completion would significantly reduce travel time to the area for users of the motorway and airport. Specifically, two major public works were commissioned: in 1996, the study for bypassing the section Kampos-Stavropigio of the Kalamata-Kardamyli-Areopoli provincial road, and in 2006, the study for the Sparta-Gytheio national road. Nearly 30 years have passed since the first project and 20 years since the second, but minimal progress has been made! Although the responsible authorities are the Peloponnese Region (Περιφέρεια Πελοποννήσου) for the first project and the Ministry of Infrastructure (Υπουργείο Υποδομών) for the second, there are also responsibilities of the local government for tolerating their prolonged stagnation. It appears that it has not been fully understood that the local government, beyond its exclusive responsibilities related to current management issues, has a say and rights regarding significant matters that impact the region’s economy and its residents. While it may not have the budget to fund these projects, it has the capacity to apply pressure on those with actual jurisdiction. Advocacy by its representatives to relevant authorities, publicising the necessity of these projects through the media, and mobilising residents, especially during sensitive electoral periods, are powerful tools with proven effectiveness. However, this requires the local government and its representatives to demonstrate the willingness to organise, coordinate, and direct these actions – something which unfortunately has not been seen in recent years…

Now, with the upgrade of Kalamata Airport set to boost tourism in the Peloponnese through increased flights and organised travel packages, the urgency of improving travel time from the airport to Mani’s tourist destinations becomes imperative. Equally critical is the need for the local government, professional bodies, and cultural organisations to intervene with the relevant authorities to “unblock” the aforementioned road projects. This would ensure that the flow of visitors to Mani benefits the tourism sector and the region as a whole. Specifically, the small bypass project for Kampos-Stavropigio is at an advanced planning stage, requiring only the preparation of the route’s land registry and funding for its tendering. Additionally, the studies for the Kardamyli and Agios Nikon bypasses, as well as the section from the intersection to Monemvasia until Gytheio of the Sparta-Gytheio national road, need to be completed through strong interventions with the authorities, so that funding can subsequently be pursued.

We hope that our recommendations will contribute to the necessary activation of local government and other collective bodies in our region.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

  A law was recently passed by the Parliament aimed at more effectively regulating water management. Its main feature is the restructuring of how water networks are managed. In most areas, except for Attica and the Thessaloniki region, management is handled by the municipalities through municipal water supply companies or through their own budget. The new law aims to establish and operate a water supply company in each prefecture (νομός), which will be responsible for both utilising springs and other water reserves, as well as for the development of distribution networks and the financial management of water consumption.

    The main impetus for this new legislation was the reduction of water reserves due to decreased rainfall and the ineffective way in which municipal water companies or municipalities have been managing water distribution. On one hand, these entities have accumulated deficits in their budgets, and on the other hand, they have unevenly distributed available water quantities, while failing to enhance their water reserves through necessary projects to exploit potential underground sources.

    Τhe issue also concerns the Mani region, which has so far only minimally utilised the water resources hidden within the Taygetus mountain range that runs through it. Furthermore, the management of water quantities distributed to consumers has been anything but fair.

    Because of the seriousness of this issue, we will closely monitor its development over the long period that will be required until this legislation reaches the level of practical implementation and will keep our readers informed.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Widespread collusion and corruption is a global phenomenon. It is closely connected to the political developments of the post-industrial period, which had two main characteristics: the overcoming of ideological frameworks and the overdevelopment of individualism. Since the theoretical bases of ideologies led to shared values that defined the boundaries of citizens’ lives and activities, the weakening of ideologies has critically undermined those values, reducing their general acceptance. As a result, individual interests have emerged as a dominant pursuit, overturning the delicate balance between personal and social interests.

The promotion of social goals and prospects, centered around state administrations, has been eroded under these emerging trends. Individual pursuits by certain members within administration and management have played a role in upsetting the balance between personal and social interests. This has created collusion, which promotes private interests through the machinery of state administration. Such activities have become the main cause of the proliferation of corruption, spreading across a broad spectrum of the economy, the structures of the wider public sector, and those people dealing with them.

It would be discouraging if such phenomena led citizens, those who still believe in principles and values and aspire to transparent and efficient governance, to abandon their critisicm in this kind of situations and to attempt to intervene, both in word and action, in order to combat these issues. The frequently expressed political will of the state to take measures that expose and suppress such phenomena is a motivating factor in this endeavour. However, the declared government intention for reforms must focus on addressing this kind of phenomena in a radical way, starting with the detection of their hidden forms and following through to the exposure of their anti-social consequences.

The public disclosure of all financial transactions involving the state could empower citizens to access and process relevant information, particularly within the sphere of their interest, to identify illegal activities. These open procedures, through the publication of all their aspects, can form an initial barrier to tendencies toward collusion and corruption. Citizens have welcomed two broad-based initiatives from previous governments: the establishment of the Supreme Council for Civil Personnel Selection (ASEP) in 1994, under the ministry of Anastasios Peponis, for public sector recruitment, and the Transparency (Diavgeia) program in 2010, which mandates the publication of all decisions by state agencies and public organisations.

Additionally, the establishment of the Internal Affairs Directorate within the Greek Police in 1999 and the Financial Police Directorate in 2014 has significantly advanced efforts to combat collusion and corruption, although their effectiveness varies depending on the leadership in place. These institutions, along with the development of the Information Technology sector over the decades that have intervened since then, constitute an initial barrier against collusion and corruption. However, experience has shown that these measures are insufficient, particularly as trends toward privatising public goods intensify over time.

The main obstacle to creating a healthier environment lies in the very structure of the public sector and the mentality that characterises much of the hierarchy, from top to bottom. Indifference and guilty silence in response to attempts to share critical information are key traits of this mindset, ultimately leading concerned citizens to give up their efforts to seek relevant data or abandon their desire for in-depth investigations into the actions of public administrations and organisations. The European Commission’s expertise in establishing and operating the Internal Audit Service, tasked with monitoring and controlling its services while providing guidance under the direct supervision of a judicial body (the European Court of Auditors), could serve as a model for our country. It is widely acknowledged that the public works sector, in particular, requires radical reform, along with continuous monitoring and oversight to ensure the efficient use of public funds.

The above issues, as noted, also affect organisations, funded by the state, such as local governments. Similar proposals for internal control and monitoring of local government affairs in our region, Mani, are especially necessary given the limited financial resources, which demand maximum efficiency.

                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD