This year marks 200 years since the three victorious battles – at Verga, at Diros, and at Polyaravos – fought by Maniot forces against the Turco-Egyptian troops, when they attempted to invade Mani from three different directions and conquer it. The heroic resistance of our ancestors, organised into combat groups, but also including hastily armed elderly men and women, prevented these invasions into Mani and overturned the intentions of Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt for the complete occupation of the Peloponnese and permanent dominance over its land, as had been agreed with the Turkish Sultan. Given that bicentenaries of major historical events constitute anniversaries of a special character, and are therefore celebrated with grandeur throughout the world, the question arises: how do the authorities in charge (the state administration, the regional administration and the local government) intend to organise the 200th anniversary of the Maniot Victory Battles of 1826 and, above all: what specific weight do the two municipalities (δήμοι) of Mani —which represent the only organised collective expressions of the Maniοt region during the modern era— give to this bicentennial in their priorities?  Will this special commemoration once again be an opportunity for routine public events, or will it become an opportunity for reflection and a strong push regarding those substantive actions that we should have implemented, so that those battlefield epics of our ancestors might serve as a constant point of departure for reconsideration and as a continuous transmission of a timeless message to all, about how freedom is safeguarded?

We, the non-profit association MANIOT SOLIDARITY and the monthly newspaper it publishes, within our limited means, have started actions very early, since the summer of 2025, with the aim of raising awareness among the authorities in charge, starting with the most neglected anniversary, that of the Battle of Polyaravos, which for many years has been celebrated far from the site of the battle, on the opposite hill and at the small chapel of Panagia, while the parish church of the settlement is in danger of collapse! (The letters we sent to the MPs of Laconia, to the Mayor of East Mani, and to the Bishop of Mani are posted on our website www.maniatiki.gr, in a special folder entitled: 200 YEARS SINCE THE MANIOT VICTORIES OF 1826. In the same folder we will also include any further awareness-raising actions we undertake). However, it is not only necessary to highlight the site of the Battle of Polyaravos, through a) the opening of a road to the settlement where the three-day battle was fought, b) the repair of its parish church, and c) the upgrading of the celebration of Polyaravos battle to one of regional character; it is also necessary to carry out projects to highlight the sites of the corresponding battles at Diros and Verga.

On the seashore of Diros, at the site of the decisive battle, a magnificent monument was erected 20 years ago, created following a donation by the Mitsakos merchant family and materialised under the care of Professor Grigoris Skalkeas. The placement of the monument signifies an obligation to transfer the festive events from the square of Pyrgos to the seashore beyond the Diros Caves, following the preparation of a suitable area. An important step in this direction has been taken with the establishment of a “performance” reenacting the Battle of Diros against the landing forces of Ibrahim, which was established a few years ago and takes place on the afternoon of the eve of each anniversary. But this is only a first step toward transferring the site of the main festive events to the area where the main battle took place.

Anyone who participates in the annual commemorative events for the Battle of Verga feels uncomfortable due to the disproportion between the height of the statue of the Maniot warrior and the narrowness of the space it overshadows. We made an earlier proposal to the then Mayor of Kalamata to widen the space where the events are held, at least through the preparation of a small technical study and the implementation of a minor technical project to cover the neighbouring small stream and thus expand the area for the festive events. It was received positively, but did not proceed to implementation. Characteristic, moreover, is the fact that, in order for the urban planning study of the settlement of Verga (promoted by the Municipality of Kalamata for 30 years now) to be completed, the Council of State (Συμβούλιο της Επικρατείας), during the preparation phase of the relevant Presidential Decree, recently made an observation that the Wall of Verga, from which the armed Maniots confronted the Egyptian cavalry, should first be registered as an archaeological site with a Protection Zone. The implementation of this order of the Supreme Court, by the archaeological service of the Prefecture (Αρχαιολογική Υπηρεσία Μεσσηνίας) and the Municipality of Kalamata (Δήμος Καλαμάτας), could make this monument accessible to the general public, as over time it has become inaccessible.

The historian Dikaios Vagiakakos, within the framework of a major pan-Maniot cultural event two decades ago, had submitted a proposal to establish events under the title “Victories” (Νικητήρια), which would include annual Pan-Maniot celebrations, held in rotation at each of these battlefields, combined with an annual athletic running race to and from the three battlefields (Verga, Diros, Polyaravos).

We, as a minimum debt of honour to those who played the leading roles, with the limited means at our disposal, will undertake and continue to promote during the coming period actions to raise awareness among the numerous and dispersed Maniot community, so that the bicentenary of the Maniot epics of 1826 may lead both to an upgrading of the celebration sites and substantiation of the events, with the aim of extending their historical memory over time.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Mani, closed off until only a few decades ago, now finds itself subject to the many forces unleashed by its recent opening, forces that have brought wealth and new inhabitants, but also foreign customs and imported ways of life. And yet there remains one powerful element, permeating its entire historical horizon and stretching into the future, drawing strength from the deep roots laid down over the previous five centuries of struggle for independence and self-governance: the quality of generousity or magnanimity (ευψυχία) or which, starting with the pursuit of individual and family prosperity, expands naturally into a love for the region and its people.

The paths of magnanimity in the years when Mani was sealed off from the outside world were simple and unobstructed in their expression through practical works and tangible results. Now, in the open horizons of the modern era, magnanimity must contend with difficulties, if it is to manifest itself in ways demanded by the very roots that nurtured it. Along with the money, many foreign models and behaviours entered our region, and they tend to separate the shared impulse toward individual advancement from the broader prosperity of the region itself. In a geographical space long marked by limited natural and economic resources, as ours was for many centuries, the tendencies toward nouveau riche lifestyles were non-existent, and any economic differentiation among the members of the community was particularly limited. To some extent, of course, these constraints persist in the modern era owing to the extreme fragmentation of land – which today is valuable in many ways – thus preventing the accumulation of substantial wealth through the sale or economic exploitation of large areas for tourism investments.

The problem reveals itself chiefly in the inability to form strong centers capable of implementing common actions of supra-individual benefit – actions whose positive results could then diffuse across the wider region. The long-standing policy of the central state to weaken Mani’s administrative unity – by partitioning it into two Prefectures (νομοί), by truncating and later abolishing its two provincial administrations, and by cutting and tailoring the new local government units according to petty political expediencies – constitutes the starting point of the erosion of the traditional tendencies toward collective undertakings of generalised benefit.

There is, however, another traditional inclination toward pettiness (μικροψυχία) – which requires strong social counterweights if it is to be confronted when it manifests itself by certain members of the community during efforts to advance common investment programs. We will mention briefly only one such example: the story of the olive-oil processing and standardisation facility in Neochori of Western Mani, built in 1990 by the Agricultural Cooperative with European Community funding and without financial burden on its members. Later machinery and large tanks for processing and storing oil were sold off, and the building was transformed into a brewery, its debts growing year after year, while the olive oil of local producers is sold in bulk at disgracefully low prices. With the two municipalities (δήμοι) now the only remaining living social cells in the region, all hopes for generating results of broad social benefit necessarily are directed toward them. Unfortunately, during the fifteen years they have operated within these administrative boundaries, no noteworthy social outcomes have been recorded – not even from the management of the specialised European Community Program for Mani in 2010, echoing what occurred in the 1990s with the similarly specialised program for our region funded by the European Community.

The social processes by which new residents are assimilated in any region evolve dynamically. The strong assimilates the weaker and integrates them into their own way of life and transmitting their culture to them. In Mani we know this assimilative process well – both through lived experience and historical record. We know that the powerful genetic and cultural foundations of the ancient inhabitants of our land, the Eleftherolaconians, absorbed into the social body the numerous groups of other tribes who migrated here after the medieval period. For the Maniot space, in the modern era, to be once again an assimilator – this time of individuals and groups bearing stronger cultural characteristics who now settle in our region – it is essential that our ancestral magnanimity awaken and overcome our advancing pettiness. Yet the magnanimity of each person, however it manifests, cannot by itself lead to cumulative results. Only through our representatives in the two local government institutions of our region – and through close cooperation between them, purged of petty political motives and ambitions of self-perpetuation in power – can the Mani of the future emerge dynamically as the continuation of the Mani of our heroic ancestors.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

An increasing number of news reports concerning public contracts, whether they refer to intangible goods or to construction works, have recently appeared in current affairs. The multiple potential approaches to their content provide the opportunity to shed light on their until now silenced aspects which, in many cases, bear unlawful characteristics that reach as far as financial irregularities at the expense of the public, for the benefit of specific individuals or groups involved in the management process, and ultimately for favoured individuals. The fact that the tentacles of these situations reach into the political system with its many versions creates even stronger destabilising tendencies in the social fabric, because this strengthening of the tendencies toward corruption undermines the foundations of social cohesion and of the common course along the path of progress and prosperity.

With the general decline of social morality now confirmed, it appears that the main possibility for dealing with such situations lies in reinforcing the principle of competition among the teams managing the projects carried out through public contracts. Once competitive interests are identified and specified during the drafting of the tendering terms for the projects, and subsequently maintained during the long course of the projects’ development and the monitoring of their social results, it is certain that they will protect public funds as well as the social benefits that the projects’ design aims for.

To avoid theorising, we present a case in which the principle of competitiveness was effectively applied through the formation of competing interests among the teams participating in the implementation of the projects: During the second half of the 2000s, the Ministry of Public Works was headed by George Souflias as minister and Polytechnic Professor Themistocles Xanthopoulos as deputy minister. At that time, the European Union’s priority was the opening of reliable and safe road axes that would bring the peoples of the European Union closer in terms of travel time. The crucial element for this goal to be implemented were the tendering terms of the projects, which would lead to the achievement of the goal through reliable procedures. The key elements of these conditions, which the ministry leadership successfully formulated, were: a) tendering through the process of Public–Private Partnerships (ΣΔΙΤ), with funds from the state, the European Union, and consortia of private companies and banks; b) a complex repayment of construction costs through grants from European Union funds and long-term concessions for toll collection; and c) The inclusion, within the construction cost, of maintenance for the entire duration of the contract.

With this complex set of terms, the construction works escaped the exclusive supervision of the state’s Technical Services, since the Technical Services of the Banks also participated—with indeed a strong capacity for intervention. Thus, a competitive framework was formed between the construction consortia, which sought to reduce construction costs in order to generate higher profits, and the Banks, which sought to optimise the quality of construction, thereby ensuring the safe repayment of the loans they had granted, in combination with the reduction of operating costs during the total time of toll management concession. Ultimately, from these compositions of purpose and conditions for the projects’ implementation, the result was: a) the obligation for quality construction in order to avoid damages that would lead to costly repairs, and b) the smooth operation of the road axes for the benefit of travellers—an element that translates into long-term social benefit.

Elements of a competitive framework in the operation of the construction sector of public contracts were also contained in the same ministerial team’s proposal to create a few, but highly capitalised, public works construction companies that would undertake the execution of projects with reliability and credibility. One of the goals of this initiative was also the linking of construction with the undertaking of long-term maintenance. The proposal was fought by various kinds of interests, among which petty political expediencies and guild mentality are no exception.

Result: instances of poor workmanship have flooded current affairs due to the decline in construction quality, the tolerant legislative framework that sustains these phenomena, and the denial of responsibility for the poor workmanship by everyone—both contractors and supervisors. In our immediate surroundings, we have for years observed how the poor-quality asphalt resurfacing done two years ago on the Kardamyli–Areopoli Provincial Road, on the straight stretch between Stoupa and Agios Nikolaos, is being dealt with. Large potholes have formed on the asphalt in two or three areas roughly in the middle of the roadway, and they still remain in the same condition! Apparently, no one is responsible for carrying out the repair and ensuring safe driving for those travelling by car.

                                                                                                     THE EDITORIAL BOARD

From the limited information that leaks into the public sphere—slipping through the cracks of closed doors—we can only piece together how many public administrations actually operate. Everything appears to be “in order” until the first irregularity surfaces, either because competing interests collide or because institutions and ethical individuals—who still exist, fortunately—carry out their responsibilities with honesty and integrity, both within Greece and abroad. Two scandalous cases were exposed by institutions outside the country, each unfolding in waves of revelations: the Novartis affair, concerning the unlawful promotion of the company’s medicines, and the OPEKEPE affair, concerning the unlawful distribution of agricultural subsidies. The first was uncovered by the U.S. financial authorities, whose economic interests were harmed by Novartis’s practices. Their investigation eventually led them to Greece, where the company admitted to its illegal actions and settled by paying a substantial fine to close the case. The second case was brought to light by the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, in the name of protecting EU funds from unlawful distributions to ineligible recipients.

The Novartis case seems to be closing, with everyone—both perpetrators and supposed victims—escaping accountability. The statute of limitations has effectively become a “laundering machine” for illegal activity. Lengthy criminal proceedings, with the many possibilities for postponements, combined with short deadlines of the offenses that have been established by law, form the perfect recipe for policies that result in the absolution of all wrongdoers. (Apparently, the political cost of prosecuting hundreds of cases of manipulated prescriptions was deemed too high.)

The OPEKEPE case, involving agricultural subsidies and serious irregularities in their distribution, is still ongoing and already offers further confirmation of our initial concerns. The in-depth scrutiny of carefully concealed documents seems likely to produce new revelations. Since some of the emerging evidence implicates the political system itself—currently at a sensitive point in its cycle—there is uncertainty about the final outcome and about whether responsibility will truly be assigned to all offenders. Meanwhile, the heavy fine imposed on Greece by the EU continues to accrue, and its repayment will burden the national budget. (This is not the first time: for decades we have been “quietly” paying EU fines for illegal landfills.)

More recently, news emerged from another troubled area: public works. Disciplinary measures were imposed on certain officials who had approved unlawful demands from a contractor and recommended their payment. What makes this case noteworthy is that the referral to the disciplinary council was made by their own political superior at the time—an exceptionally rare move! Normally, paperwork is signed, collective bodies approve, and at most a few minority members raise complaints in the press. These, however, rarely go further and do not proceed to the substance, since the legislative framework does not encourage substantial (strict) controls, such as comparing actual work on the ground with what is recorded in official certifications. Even a brief look at the “Diavgeia” (Διαύγεια) transparency platform, where by law ALL administrative decisions must be published, reveals a consistent pattern: endless recapitulatory tables, frequent price revisions, and, ultimately, significant deviations from original contract amounts in a multitude of projects. If this is true across the country, it applies even more so in Mani, where public works funding is already minimal due to the small number of voters. Only rigorous, on-site audits—matched against the reported figures of completed projects—can maximize the impact of these limited funds.

In the end, only after all forms of controls have been completed, can broad conclusions be drawn about systems of illegality. The ethics and integrity of those in power—whether in local or state government—are revealed in how they respond to such audits. They are judged by their decisions: do they take radical measures to eliminate the root causes of corruption, or do they merely cover things up with delaying tactics and fragmentary measures?

                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Those who are of advanced age and have had the opportunity to observe the changes in their region over time can reach safe conclusions regarding the extent of the changes occurring and the potential impacts they will have, both in the near and the distant future. For nearly 30 years, our newspaper “Maniot Solidarity” has recorded and presented the annual changes in the activities of the residents, in the production process, and generally in the finances of the residents and landowners in the Mani region. These changes, even over a relatively short period of thirty years, are remarkable. The primary reason for these changes is the boom of the real estate market.

The combination of the land’s orientation toward the sea on the hills and parts of the Taygetus mountain range, combined with the short distance between the mountains and the sea, served as the main attraction for foreign visitors to Mani. In addition, the unique Maniot architecture of the old houses, in the shape of tower-like upper floor (πυργοειδές ανώγειο) – tower house (πυργόσπιτo) – upper floor courtyard (λιακωτό),  became another attractive factor, enhancing the demand for traditional-style homes. Despite these factors, demand remained relatively static for a long period. The new factor that significantly boosted demand in recent years was the rapid economic development, not only in European countries but also in many regions of Asia and America. Beyond the upper classes, the middle classes now have the means to travel, discover new places, and document them, sometimes investing in them for both personal and professional use. Another significant factor in the development of the real estate market in Mani is the immigrants who settled here and invested their income from employment in the region’s tourism businesses and in the intense construction activity that characterised the 1990s. Their second generation, now of working age and largely integrated into the local environment, works in more lucrative professions that allow many families to focus on acquiring their own homes or commercial properties.

These factors were the ones that drove the expansion of the real estate market in Mani, creating positive effects on the incomes and activities of the residents. However, due to human nature, individuals tend to focus strongly on personal benefits and are slow to take into account the negative consequences that positive developments may bring. The management of the negative consequences for the wider geographic area can only be done through collective actions, which must be organised by collective bodies and designed to prevent or address the issues before they reach explosive proportions. Maintaining a high quality of life, with sufficient water resources, preserving the natural and cultural environment, and ensuring safe road transportation through necessary public works, must be the main priorities for the collective bodies in our region.

In general, all of this falls within the framework of systematic and legally stable organisation of the area, both in the built areas and their surrounding regions. Since the governments in the 1980s chose to expand the residential space, the need for its organisation, even 50 years later, emerges as a matter of life or death for the region. It is a fact that this boom created wealth in Mani, but it also created long-term problems. This happened because the governments at the time avoided making the necessary public investments that would have ensured a good quality of life in this expanded residential area. The preservation of this expanded residential space is a measure of justice for those who own properties in these areas and have kept them undeveloped until today. Securing the necessary public investments for its organisation, in light of the drafting of the Local Urban Plans by 2026, emerges as the primary goal for the collective bodies in the region, especially local government officials. Hopefully, they will work toward this direction, designing effective actions and interventions toward the central government, which has the relevant authority. We will be monitoring and evaluating related actions or inactions.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

No one can dispute that the government, thanks to the strong political instinct of the Prime Minister, brought to our country generous funding from all the European Community Funds. The numbers themselves attest to this, showing our country first among the European Union countries in Community funding. However, what is more important than the volume of funding is its effectiveness and, even more so, the diffusion of its results across society. Regarding this matter, many objections are raised, some of which we will try to present below.

Now that the duration of funding from most Community Funds is coming to an end, the concept of “absorption capacity” is re-emerging intensely. This means we are seeking ways to spend the money, so that it does not return unspent to the European Union’s coffers.  To achieve this, the usual strict requirements are largely relaxed in the following areas: project study quality, ensuring the effectiveness of bidding terms, widely publicising the proposals for bids and proactively addressing any obstacles until contracts are signed and executed smoothly according to specifications.  This relaxation of the smooth flow of these procedures ultimately leads to a reduction in their efficiency, which is ultimately reflected in the impression they leave on the average citizen. The significant difference between effectiveness and absorption capacity, a common phenomenon in our country, ultimately gives a negative impression when evaluating the final results of the funding in comparison with most other EU countries.

Based on evidence from how Community Programs have been managed over many past decades, serious shortcomings are documented throughout the process—from the selection of projects included in these programs to their completion. The outcome is that effectiveness has been largely weakened, often due to a multitude of shortcuts. While government inefficiency plays a part, it is not the only factor. Many types of shortcuts are evident, resulting in rushed studies that require revisions, cause significant delays, large financial costs, and deliver final results far different from what was initially intended. It is worth investigating to what extent political or micro-political motivations are involved in the overall network of ineffectiveness. Unfortunately, this is difficult to determine, as effective domestic control mechanisms have not been institutionalised during the many decades of our country’s European course.

Some deviations from legality come to light through audits by competent Community bodies, such as the European Court of Auditors and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, which unfortunately have limited jurisdiction—only regarding the lawful administrative management of Community funding, which, however, is implemented under the domestic legal framework. These audits, which are unfortunately only conducted on a sample basis due to the large number of projects, result in some cases in fines and reimbursement of funding, and in even fewer cases, in referrals of individuals to criminal justice, but only for offences strictly related to the management of Community funds. The fines and reimbursement of funds are quietly paid from the state budget, but the criminal procedures are publicly accessible and reach broader audiences, thus provoking more generalised concerns. Unfortunately, our country lacks significant investigative journalism that could highlight the scale and consequences of some Community funds whose outcomes clearly diverge from those initially intended—thus serving as a model for broader public awareness and understanding of the causes that lead to their limited impact on living standards.

Phenomena like those mentioned above in the management of Community funds have also occurred in our region, Mani. From the Community fundings thirty years ago under the measure “Improving Transport Connectivity of Mountainous Areas”, through the initiative of the then Prefect of Messinia, Panagiotis Foteas, the road projects Exochori–Saidona and Platza–Milea were included and implemented. Unfortunately, due to excessive budget overruns beyond what was determined in the technical-economic studies of these projects, large financial resources were spent from the next Community Support Framework to complete them. The later road project Gytheio – Areopoli – Gerolimenas (in sections) suffered a similar fate, with its budget revisions reaching a double-digit number.

What citizens have not understood is that budget overruns in projects—especially those funded by European resources—deprive opportunities to fund equally necessary future projects. In other words, they have not grasped that if part of the funding “pie” entitled to each region is consumed inefficiently, there remains only a small slice to meet many needs…

                                                                                                                                              THE EDITORIAL BOARD

ESSENTIAL PREREQUISITES FOR WATER SUFFICIENCY IN MANI

As the summer season begins, a familiar debate resurfaces in Mani about whether the water supply provided by municipal water services is sufficient to meet consumption demands. In reality, this conversation should be taking place at the end of the previous summer season, not at the onset of a new one. It does not take much reflection for any reasonable observer to reach the conclusion that water sufficiency is not a matter for superficial approach. It requires holistic planning and effective management—particularly by those who bear the responsibility and have been entrusted with creating adequate water supply in their regions. These are the areas for which they were elected to manage crucial issues affecting both the present and the future, and among these, water sufficiency ranks as one of the most pressing—especially given the significant growth of tourism in the region.

A key prerequisite for any planning—especially on critical issues such as water—is the objective recording of the data. Only then can planning be translated into specific measures, projects, and actions whose completion will lead to the desired outcome of sufficiency. Management competence in dealing with such complex issues is not an honorary title; it either emerges or not from the objective capabilities of the personnel who, through the electoral process, have been given the mandate to manage these critical regional concerns, such as water sufficiency. Where such capacity is lacking, legislation provides the option to enhance the local administration by hiring qualified staff possessing such skills —within, of course, the financial means of the governing body.

Our newspaper, Maniot Solidarity, intervenes in this discussion in an advisory capacity, drawing on experience from effective actions undertaken by members of our administrative team in previous decades.

It is our view that the water accumulated annually in the region of Mani—in the form of surface springs and underground basins—has the potential to meet current population needs, and even allow for moderate future growth. The primary evidence for this comes from the springs flowing from the Agia Marina cave in Eastern Mani, which—thanks to the geological composition of its rocks—can be easily captured and channelled for consumption, without pumping costs, due to elevation differences. Such favourable conditions do not exist on the western slopes of Taygetos. However, the transverse fault that extends to both sides of the mountain is the same. On the eastern side, it feeds the river Smynos, which winds its way to the beach of Mavrovouni in Gytheio. On the western side, the fault leads from Kato Chora of Milea to the submarine springs (βλυχάδες) of Stoupa.

In conclusion: The long and majestic Taygetos range conceals within its depths vast water reservoirs. This water is gathered from its expansive slopes and snow-covered peaks, as well as from the drainage basin of Megalopolis at the mountain’s northern edge. Due to the limestone character and the metamorphic nature of most of its rocks, the largest volume of water slides deep into its bowels, from where most overflows and springs emerge.

These observations make clear—even to the naked eye—the process that research must follow in order to make use of the water currently being lost to the sea. A naïve approach would focus on springs discharging directly into the sea. However, given the high energy cost of pumping, the difficulty of maintaining a steady flow across submerged channels, and especially the additional cost of transporting the water to the elevated areas where it is needed, this solution must be rejected outright. Research for locating underground basins must be oriented towards areas near the terrestrial fault and always avoiding soils with possible salinisation from seawater inflow due to its greater penetrating capacity. This method represents the only viable path toward harnessing a portion of the abundant water resources with which Taygetos has endowed Mani—resources that, unfortunately, remain largely untapped. It is essential to seek scientific support from the appropriate state agency, the Hellenic Authority for Geological and Mineral Research (ΕΑΓΜΕ – Ελληνική Αρχή Γεωλογικών και Μεταλλευτικών Ερευνών), the successor to the Institute of Geological and Mineral Exploration (ΙΓΜΕ – Ινστιτούτο Γεωλογικών και Μεταλλευτικών Ερευνών). Directing research efforts towards areas identified by major land ruptures (streams, ravines) will increase the chances of locating underground flow paths that currently carry freshwater into the sea.

In the past three decades, hundreds of thousands of euros have been spent on failed attempts to enhance the water supply in Mani—especially in the western part. It is therefore crucial that the understandable concern of local authorities be paired with mature, data-driven planning and a synthetic understanding of all relevant factors.

In the short term, efforts should focus on addressing the numerous leaks—both hidden and visible—within the water supply network. At the same time, the revenue collection system must be made more efficient to help balance the budget. Finally, once the summer season ends, it is imperative that a more effective approach be developed to tackle this vital issue—so central to the sustainable development of our region.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

With the “opening up” of our region 3–4 decades ago, new residents were drawn to its unique natural, climatic and cultural features. For the first time since Mani appeared as a distinct entity in historical records, the integration of these newcomers, due to their number and diversity, has become a very difficult task. This is what leads us to seek, in various ways, the recording, evaluation, and promotion of the region’s social and historical characteristics, aiming to offer elements of self-awareness to our fellow citizens and to deepen the understanding of the area for those new residents who have chosen to settle here.

To serve this goal, we at MANIOT SOLIDARITY are especially drawn to researching the flow of social and historical elements of our region, as recorded by notable intellectuals of Mani, those who became widely recognised writers and journalists over the two centuries of the modern Greek state. We republish their texts, particularly those closely connected to our region, their homeland. Our readers have, of course, understood this by simply observing each issue. However, our exploration of such texts has also led us to a comparative approach between the quality of writing in books and journalistic texts of older periods and the current one, which we would like to present below. We do this to better justify our choices and to connect them to a broader framework for helping new residents become acquainted with our region.

The literary and journalistic texts of earlier times are characterised by structure and precision, with meanings that are immediately understandable. The texts are dense with content, directly accessible to their readers. These features form a quality archive of documented material that outlines our land and defines the concept of MANI both as a place and as a way of life for its people. We make these observations in contrast to much of the literary and journalistic output of today, emphasizing our determination not to follow this general trend, but instead to draw inspiration from the journalism of the past.

Modern technologies, as they have evolved, have created a deluge of information through contemporary communication channels (radio, television, print and digital media, and the internet). Today’s citizen endures this endless flow 24 hours day, which whether you look at it or turn your gaze away, is always there to overwhelm you. Today’s citizen has “matured” under its influence and now “lives” through headlines with capital letters on screens, thus devaluing the significance of capital letters of the old writing, which were crucial elements for structuring the most important chapters of our very lives. 

At MANIOT SOLIDARITY we strive to adopt only those characteristics of new technology that do not compromise the quality and richness of written language and meanings, as these were taught to us a few decades ago by our elders —at home and in school— and as we continue to see them reflected in older writings. From the very first issue, our primary goal has been to combat information overload. We attempt this by filtering the news and limiting it to that which directly or indirectly concerns our broader region. Our principle is that news should not be a dry report, but should include a critical perspective and a thoughtful commentary, always presented gently, with the aim of encouraging readers to reflect. We also reject any attempt to create a climate of petty political manipulation through the repeated presentation of the same news at different stages of its development, avoiding the deliberate misinformation that this tactic can cause. We prioritise news based on the social benefit that can be produced by implementing its content, while identifying and silencing elements of subjective bias.

Ultimately, we are convinced that the course we follow in crafting the content of each issue not only counters the phenomenon of information overload, an endemic illness in modern communication, but also offers reliable and objective information about our region. This contributes not only to strengthening pride in our homeland, but also to the harmonious integration of Mani’s new residents. These aims are also embedded in the mission of our non-profit association of the same name, which has been publishing this newspaper for 27 years.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The situation that prevails at this time in the socio-political system of the country, both at the highest level and largely at its lower-level structures as well, leads to the search for and presentation of well-documented scientific analyses related to its main characteristics and also the causes that shaped these conditions. An important source for such an approach is the German sociologist and political economist Max Weber, and more specifically, his concise analysis of the political system in a lecture he gave to his students shortly after the end of World War I, in 1918, titled: “Politics as a Vocation”.

We present key points from its content: «Political leaders of all levels of power are divided into two main categories: those who live “for” politics and those who live “off” politics. The politician who lives “for” politics makes this activity synonymous with “the content of his life”. He moves through life either enjoying the sense of power he exercises, or deriving his inner balance and the feeling of self-worth from the awareness that his life acquires meaning by serving a “purpose”. With this inner meaning, every sincere person who lives “for” a purpose also lives “from” that purpose. Whoever lives “off” politics as a profession, strives to make it a permanent source of income, whoever lives “for” politics does not do so. On the basis of this distinction, the concept of a “calling” to power is also formed for those who exhibit characteristics of individuals who possess the charisma of a “leader”, that is, individuals who belong to the category of those who live “for” politics. The devotion created by the charisma of the “leader” means that people do not obey him because of customs or decrees, but because they believe in him. The leader himself lives for his purpose and “cares” for his work». It should be noted that the concept of leader in the text extends throughout the social spectrum, including the states and their individual administrative and self-governing structures, the religious expressions and the trade union associations.

The elements that emerge from this content, linked to the events of more than a century that has passed since then, are confirmed by the recorded results that were created in states and in other structures of power. The few leaders who responded to the moral “calling” that was validated through the electoral process and functioned “for” politics during the exercise of the power that was entrusted to them, led countries – or their respective institutional structures – to prosperity and qualitative reform. The opposite occurred with those leaders whose actions, as recorded by history, lead to the conclusion that they lived “off” politics.

These historical observations should be strongly considered during critical periods when the population groups are called upon to elect the leaders who will guide them into the future, especially when the time context points to difficult economic conditions that threaten social cohesion and the smooth functioning of social institutions. Unfortunately, we are currently living in such a period, and the evaluation of leaderships based on Max Weber’s criterion, is emerging as a necessity for every citizen who participates in any form of institutional expression.

The category of those who live “off” politics has evolved over time, has taken on various forms, and has spread into the wider social sphere, so that its intentions are not perceived. It attempts, through the confusion it creates, to be perceived as its opposite, in order to enjoy the social acceptance necessary for its dominance.To achieve this goal, it creates subordinate systems of decentralized power in which it integrates a swarm of individuals who operate in the same way – that is, they live “off” politics – while simultaneously attempting to blur citizens’ vision, as they try to distinguish those politicians who, through the “calling”, seek to embody the characteristics of the leader who lives “for” politics: someone who offers his/her natural and intellectual abilities, for the benefit of the community.

An insightful observation of the current political landscape will certainly lead the informed citizens to a clear distinction between those who are involved in politics and to their classification into one of the two opposing categories of leaders according to Max Weber – and to determine their support accordingly. Especially in decentralized forms of power, such as local government, due to the proximity between the observer and the observed, the distinction is easier and the subsequent classification can lead to choices that result in effectiveness and social prosperity…

THE EDITORIAL BOARD