MANI: IDEAS FOR THE FORMULATION OF A COHERENT PLAN OF ACTION AND IMPLEMENTATION

The main article of the previous issue, which referred to the genomic origins and customary practices formed over centuries, concluded: Systematic genomic comparisons of contemporary individuals with scientifically documented genomes from racial groups that history has recorded as having settled in our region during the Middle Ages and mixed with its Eleutherolakonian inhabitants could lead to conclusions about behavioural tendencies created on the basis of these racial affinities. Most importantly, however, these comparisons of the inhabitants of modern Mani and those who emigrated, with the genome of inhabitants of the region from 3-4 centuries ago, will undoubtedly reveal the multifaceted common characteristics found throughout the entire geographical area. This element, now substantiated, should lead to common actions by individuals with Maniot genetic roots to successfully addressing future challenges related to the promotion of our region.

The groups of citizens who have in the past expressed themselves publically, incorporating the concept of unity over the past three decades and more, are attempting, with whatever means the circumstances allow, to promote these genetic and customary practices. In this way, there is also some softening of egocentric tendencies and a connection of individual benefit with the common developmental and cultural goals of Mani. Unfortunately, very few other actions moving in this direction have been recorded during the period in question. Only two are noteworthy, the first because it has a strong basis that can lead to efficiency and the second, despite its negative outcome, can serve as a model for opening dialogues between the various regions of Mani and synthesing views to create cohesive plans and find pathways for their implementation.

The first action concerns the renaming of the local Diocese from Diocese of Gytheio and Oitylo to Diocese of Mani, which emerged in 2010 following a decision by the Synod of the Hierarchy of the Church of Greece. It cannot be characterised as a typical action because its boundaries did not change. On the contrary, it was a significant event because it brought the concept of “Mani,” lost since the 9th century, back to the ecclesiastical forefront. Naturally, this provided the opportunity for the associative expansion of the new ecclesiastical name into the socio-political space of the area and its inhabitants, to our compatriots in the diaspora, and before the entire state territory. The renaming did not come easily. Besides the conscious will of our local social expressions and then archibishop Chrysostomos, it required substantiation with a well-documented memorandum on the historical origin of the name compiled by the late scholar Dikaios Vayiakakos, as well as support from many Maniots and Philomaniots in Athens.This project has a solid foundation for success.

The second action concerns the founding of the Development Company of Mani in 1996, with headquarters in Oitylo. It was a corporation with shareholders being the four Development Associations of our area, based in Kardamyli, Areopoli, Gytheio, and Agios Nikolaos Smynou respectively, and almost all local government organisations of Mani as members. Its founding and operational start arose as a necessary condition for claiming one of the three agrotourism programs with ΕU funding allocated to the Peloponnese, concerning socially homogeneous areas without urban centers. All preparatory actions, the creation of its legal entity, the gathering of share capital with shareholders being the four Development Associations and their member local government organisations, and the selection of private investors for agrotourism projects, were conducted in a spirit of absolute harmony with successive meetings of the coordinating group and the investment proposal evaluation group. Thus, the goal was achieved, and the initial allocation of EU and state funding amounting to 1.5 billion drachmas was approved, intended for cultural enhancement projects and privately subsidised agrotourism programs at 50%. Unfortunately, this substantial financial foundation and its intended autonomous management by the Company’s representatives were not well-received by the politicians. Consequently, the traditional internal conflicts and quarrels arose, resulting in the loss of 90% of the projected funding and the eventual dissolution of the Company! This project, despite its failure, offers a model for future dialogue and planning.

The combined impact of these two actions shows the potential for unified efforts across Mani and it could serve as a starting point for the joint activity of all micro-societies in the Mani region and their cultural expressions. In particular, the unifying force, which is inherent in the local ecclesiastical expression with the manifestation of the will to act, could unite the entire human potential of the area and our compatriots at home and abroad, for the promotion of common restructuring and developmental goals. The formation of such a roadmap, and only this one, could give substantial meaning to the concept of “Unified Mani,” which we all invoke.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The science of Biology, and particularly its subfield Genetics, determines that every human being carries two types of traits during his/her lifetime: inherited and acquired. The inherited properties come from the interaction of genes contained in the father’s sperm and the mother’s egg when they combined to create the individual. The acquired are formed mostly during the early years of life through the interaction of each individual with the natural and man-made environment in which he/she grows up.

However, the genes of our parents contain properties and characteristics of two categories. Some are in harmony with the apparent characteristics of the parents, while others result from non-apparent traits, which are the recessive genetic factors. From the joining of sperm and egg during the creation of new life, it is equally likely that characteristics from both these groups of genes will appear. This possibility points to the research of the genome of our distant relatives from whom our parents inherited their genetic material. (Note that a genome is all the genetic material of each organism, while a gene is the basic physical unit of heredity in living organisms, part of the chromosome that passes on information about properties from one generation to the next). The logical analysis imposed by this cause ultimately leads to common racial characteristics of the population groups that have long inhabited each geographic area. The research process to identify these characteristics is generally difficult, but it is facilitated if the reference geographical areas are “closed,” i.e., if they have limited communication with other areas over long periods of time. This category also includes Mani, which for about four centuries before the creation of the modern Greek state, and for several decades afterwards, had limited communication with other regions. The mapping of the human genome, completed in recent decades, allows for the comparison of the genome of contemporary individuals with the genome of population groups that are believed to have contributed to its formation in distant periods of time, when they settled in these specific areas. However, a prerequisite for the reliability of the results of this comparison is a sound knowledge of the relevant historical data of each era combined with archaeological research that has led to the recording of genetic material from the bodily remains of individuals from those periods.

Moreover, in the creation of acquired traits, a dominant role is played by each child’s interactions with the environment in which he/she is raised, both the immediate and the wider family environment, as well as the physical space in which he/she develops. The influence of the customs and traditions of the society in which he/she lives, the language he/she first hears spoken, and in later years, the approach to the supernatural element through the religion embraced by his/her family environment also play a dominant role. According to more recent approaches of Sociobiology, a subfield of Biology, some acquired qualities can affect genes and become inheritable over a long-term perspective.

The long list of scientific opinions presented above is an attempt to substantiate the causes that created the common characteristics of the inhabitants of Mani, as they have appeared over the two centuries that they began to leave the region and integrate into the structures and functions of the modern Greek state. Throughout the 25-year publishing journey of MANIOT SOLIDARITY, aspects of these common characteristics have been presented in our columns, and we believe that our compatriot readers recognise some of their own traits in them. Among these common characteristics are the impulsive tendencies to accept or reject many of the ongoing socio-political developments.

Systematic genomic comparisons of contemporary individuals with scientifically documented genomes from racial groups that history has recorded as having settled in our region during the Middle Ages and mixed with its Eleutherolakonian inhabitants could lead to conclusions about behavioural tendencies created on the basis of these racial affinities. Most importantly, however, these comparisons of the inhabitants of modern Mani and those who emigrated, with the genome of inhabitants of the region from 3-4 centuries ago, will undoubtedly reveal the multifaceted common characteristics found throughout the entire geographical area. This element, now substantiated, should lead to common actions by individuals with Maniot genetic roots to successfully addressing future challenges related to the promotion of our region.

                                                                                                     THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Perhaps the title is a bit confusing. On one side, there is the pan-European parliamentary institution, and on the other, our small geographic area. However, a broader view finds connections in several issues. We will attempt to develop these further, starting with some general information.

    Among the European institutions, the European Council (usually at the level of ministers of the member states) and the European Commission (with one representative from each member state appointed by each government) have a dominant and decisive role. The European Parliament participates in the decisions of the two previous institutions, by giving its assent on matters of major importance and economic impact, that go as far as the approval of the President and all members of the European Commission. However, it also intervenes in all matters specified by the Treaties, which constitute the legal basis for the establishment and operation of the European Union, as well as for the main financial funds (the European Regional Development Fund (ΕΤΠΑ), the European Social Fund (ΕΚΤ), the Cohesion Fund (ΤΣ), the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (ΕΓΤΑΑ) and the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund (ΕΤΘΑ). These funds are used to finance the Community Support Frameworks (KΠΣ), which initially run for five years, as well as for Community Initiatives. Mani was included in two of these Community Initiatives: Leader II during the 1990s and the Integrated Rural Development Program (OXE) of Mani in the recent five-year period. Projects and works included in these initiatives were funded either from their own budgets or through the inclusion of selected projects and actions in the corresponding Community Support Framework (KΠΣ). We close this paragraph of general information by noting that the integration and financing of projects and works from the Community Support Frameworks are promoted either through the national level, which is managed by the respective ministries, or through the regional level, which is managed by the regions of the country.

    The geophysical, climatic, and cultural characteristics of Mani create by themselves a dynamic for development. Unfortunately, on their own, they are not sufficient for this dynamic to be practically expressed. A plan and a holistic approach are required to ensure that these developmental characteristics lead to the attraction of the necessary investments to yield economic benefits for Mani, its people, and the qualitative upgrade of its technical infrastructure. Unfortunately, private investments are promoted in an isolated and uncoordinated manner, while public investments are almost nonexistent. The planning and the holistic approach, as mentioned earlier, are lacking, and they do not generate the necessary impetus for public investments to respond to the dynamics created by the geolphysical space and private initiatives.

    The array of institutional expressions that guide financing, although complex and multi-layered, needs to be approached in order to transfer to it the right for the development of the region. The regional administration, ministries, MPs and MEPs (members of parliament and members of the European Parliament), who distribute the financing of public investments, are elected, and promote the region’s development rights, especially during critical pre-election periods, can be a first step towards positive prospects in the future.

    Unfortunately, a historical review leads to disappointing conclusions. We have failed even in managing the specialised funding for our region from the two Community Initiatives mentioned earlier. A large portion of their initial budgets was recalled, anticipated projects and works were detached, and the resulting benefits have not had a significant impact.

    The upcoming European elections are another opportunity to create a favourable climate for the region at the European level. The selection of candidates who have knowledge and experience related to development and who understand the qualitative characteristics of our region can create a favourable atmosphere that can be exploited in the future. Planning and a holistic approach are prerequisites for any effective approach. The advocacy line followed so far by the representatives of the region, due to its fragmented nature, has not yielded results. It is time to understand that the necessary reflection needs to be generated to revise it. It has been proven that advocating for one’s village, narrow geographical area, or municipality does not lead to public investments that will complement the significantly promoted private investments. A joint plan and joint proposals to regional administration, central government, MPs and MEPs can be the only path to attract funding. And then, we should learn to maximise their returns, with organisation and without internal competitions and selective allocations of funding.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Decades come and go, and Greece’s development, mainly based on tourism, progresses rapidly. In Mani, however, the pace is slow, relying mainly on individual initiatives. Public investment that would complete these initiatives and accelerate the development process is scarce and sporadic, while the promotional interventions of local representatives are almost non-existent. The critical factor for the development process, which is the radical improvements of the central road axis Kalamata – Areopoli – Gytheio – Sparta, has undergone very minor improvements over the past decades. The initiatives and sporadic interventions of the last regional administration were a form of departure from the long-term stagnation and the depreciative effects that occur from year to year, but they were small compared to what is required. Despite all this, nowhere on the horizon is there a willingness from the representatives of our region for joint actions and the presentation of well-documented requests to the central government, which is the body that makes the final decisions on important issues such as this. Two characteristic examples, related to the central road axis of Mani, prove the preceding observations.

A small improvement in the travel time from Kalamata to Western Mani, the tourist areas of Kardamyli, Stoupa, Agios Nikolaos, Areopoli, the Diros caves, and Gerolimenas could be achieved through the funding and execution of the bypass project of Kampos – Stavropigio. It should be noted that the study of the project began in 1996, initiated by the then Prefect of Messinia Panagiotis Foteas, following a joint proposal from the then independent communities of Western Mani! In the almost thirty years that have passed since then, significant financial resources have been consumed for improvements, revisions, updates, and additions to the main study, and its companion studies, but it seems that they were not linked to the final resolution of the issue. In this case too, there were significant promotional activities by the recent regional administration, but again, this case did not reach the funding and the start of the construction of the project…

Another old issue is the study of the Sparti – Gytheio road. It started in 2005 when the then Minister of Infrastructure Georgios Souflias visited Gytheio and subsequently announced the study following a relevant request. The study, however, has not yet been completed! While one part of it concerning the bypass of Sparti (Skoura – Pyri section) was constructed from the beginning, the old route and the section from the bypass junction towards Monemvasia to Gytheio remain the same as they were in the original layout many decades ago.

Certainly, the end of the Athens – Corinth – Tripoli motorway in Kalamata, as well as in Sparti, brought Mani much closer in terms of time, and a significant part of its tourist development is owed to this fact. However, visitors who quickly arrive with their cars to the capitals of Messinia and Laconia, if they are not Philo-Maniots, prefer other, more accessible local road destinations to continue their planned days of rest and recreation. Thus, the initial design of the central axis of Mani, in the footsteps of the old mule path, appears as a disincentive for easily mobile road travelers to the two cities where the new motorway ends, but also for their residents who wish to change scenery by visiting neighbouring areas with significant natural and cultural imprint.

An additional element that imposes the necessity for promoting requests aimed at planning and implementing radical improvements on the central axis of Mani is the expected upgrade of Kalamata airport, which serves as the gateway to the Peloponnese for air travellers from all continents. Whatever consortium, from those that have expressed interest in the airport’s long-term lease wins, will have to work with large travel companies from around the world, which will bring travellers to the western borders of Mani through Kalamata airport. The necessity of attracting this category of travellers to our region through the radical redesign of its main road axis becomes clear.

From the above, it is evident that the main goal for those who wish the development of our region to gain momentum, generating new incomes and new jobs for its inhabitants, but also in general, is the redesign of the central road axis. To achieve this goal, coordination of the elected representatives of Mani is required for joint actions within a unified framework of claims that, in addition to their promotion to the state administration, will also stimulate the necessary interventions from all institutions and all persons of increased influence in our region.

                                                                                                            THE EDITORIAL BOARD

PRACTICAL EXPRESSION OF OUR IDEOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

In the main article of a previous issue of “Maniot Solidarity”, we presented the ideological framework that defines our newspaper, its objectives and aspirations for Mani, as condensed in its title. We deem it appropriate, as a follow-up, to specify how our ideological framework is promoted through research and, ultimately, through the selection and layout of content on specific pages of our newspaper. The greatest difficulty in the research process is information overload, which ultimately becomes a problem because, in addition to preventing the readers from approaching the substance of the material selected for publication, it also hinders them from critically selecting the most useful elements to improve their intellectual orientation and ideological background. Through this information overload, we attempt to document issues related to the ideological orientation and goals of our newspaper, and subsequently to clear them from any kind of bias in presentation and influencing opinions, so that we can delve into their true essence.

We have designed the layout of content in such a way as to refer to the entire chronological spectrum of Mani from the beginning to modern day. We attempt to harmoniously relate historical events of the past to the current needs of our area and its future prospects. We attempt to keep the layout of our material the same for every issue. More specifically, this layout is presented below:

On page 2, aspects of the heroic past of our region are presented, from the emergence of the geographical term “Mani” to our time. The search for content is difficult, since the needed material is scattered in many publications, most of which has not yet been digitised. In order to write the articles presented, on-site visits to libraries in Athens are required, as it is in the Greek capital where the sources are located. Given the strong differentiation of the historical course of the individual regions of Mani (Inner Mani, Outer Mani, Lower Mani, Bardounia, as initially presented by the first Maniot scholar Nikitas Nifakis, and other smaller geographical divisions), we considered it appropriate to collect and present this information on page 10.

Having thoroughly understood Adamantios Korais’^[1] view that the educational upgrade of the Greeks should precede the Revolution of 1821 (concern that was surpassed by the impetuosity created by the desire for freedom of the Greek people), and believing in the need for continuous effort and improvement in the educational sector, we have reserved page 3 for the publication of articles on education and culture. Having accepted the anxiety for the rise of the cultural level in Mani, as expressed by Nikitas Nifakis due to his impending death (1818), we have decided to permanently place his “Farewell Address” quatrain on the top right-hand corner of page 3, as a timeless message to the youth of Mani.

Historians do not agree on who produces historical events: peoples, or individuals?  We are not in a position to take sides for or against either view. However, we consider it our duty, besides the intense promotion of achievements by Maniots as a whole to publish on page 4 the permanent column Ονομάτων Επίσκεψις, which presents the life and works of personalities from the intellectual and scientific worlds who excelled in their respective fields of activity.

In pages 6 and 7, we publish topics concerning the development of our region, mainly the technical studies and public works necessary to support the explosive increase in private investments in our area in recent decades. In these articles, we attempt to clear the news from the deliberately exaggerated projections of micro-political expediency. Politicians usually promote these projects through multiple references to the same work during its evolutionary phase; we attempt to disconnect the absorption of credits from the efficiency of the project as it really appears on the ground, and we do not avoid referring to the negative consequences on the final result caused by recapitulative tables and price revisions.

News from modern life in Mani is featured on pages 1, page 9 and page 8 with the presentation of local business activities (Επιχειρηματικές Δραστηριότητες) and on pages 11 and 12 with the presentation of Αnnouncements – Births, Marriages, Obituaries – (Κοινωνικά Γεγονότα).

The main article on page 1 reflects the general ideological framework of our association “Maniot Solidarity” for our region, as it relates to current political and social events. The translation of the main article into English and the presentation of the translation on page 8 is our conscientious obligation to the second and third generation Maniots, who might have difficulties with written Greek, as well as to foreign philo-Maniots. In a similar context, the signed articles presented on page 5, and often also on page 12, which, starting from critical socio-political events, also affect our area.

The layout of our newspaper, apart from the desire to meet the expectations of the contemporary Maniots and philo-Maniots, aims to create a legacy for future generations. We believe that our attempt to portray the character of the region in a coherent way can also function like seeds that condense the characteristics of plants for future germination.

                                                                                                                                       THE EDITORIAL BOARD

[1] Greek scholar and humanist (1748-1833)

This issue marks 25 years since April 1999, when the first issue of this newspaper was published. The publication did not emerge randomly nor was it motivated by financial considerations and ambitions. It was the product of emotional maturity. A maturity that was acquired in the ten-year journey since the concept of “solidarity” on a social and political level appeared in an organised way in the Mani region. Solidarity was the focus of the management model implemented at the local government in the Neochori and Stoupa areas of Western Mani during the 1990s by the group, coordinated by its founder. Solidarity was also the focal point of the program in which the group participated in the local elections of 1998 in the then municipality of Leuktro, garnering one-third of the electorate’s vote.

A few months after the local elections of 1998, the group considered the conditions to be ripe for the message of solidarity, with all the emotional background that accompanies it, to be highlighted through a publication by the association Aλληλεγγύη (Solidarity), which was established then. The high-quality concept of solidarity has guided us in composing the content presented in the 300 issues of our newspaper, continuously printed over the past 300 months. This concept has also guided the publication of six books that showcase the characteristics of our region (“Travel Routes in Mani”, volumes A and B, “Pages from the History of Mani”, volumes A and B, “Mani in Foreign-language Books of the 17^th-19^th Centuries” and “The Timeless Evolution of Large Areas of Mani”) as well as the content of the highly visited website www.maniatiki.gr that we created.

During these 300 months, the journey has not been smooth. Much “turbulance” was created. Some members of the group wanted to use the newspaper as a means to “conquer” the local government of the area, in the name of promoting supposedly ideological ideas, but in reality promoting personal ambitions. Our insistence on promoting the concept of solidarity through the newspaper’s publications, a concept that on a practical level touches the entire population of our region and is in complete harmony with its widespread application to friends and non-friends alike, was accompanied by conflicts, bitterness and departures. Persisting in keeping our principles in the social sphere, we strengthened our ties with those members who endured the difficult times that we faced during this long journey. Relying on these people, we insist on its continuation, as long as the trust of those friends in our ideas allows us to cover the costs of frugal management and as long as our intellectual powers allow us to transform these ideas into analyses, proposals and interventions guided by Maniot and, more generally, social solidarity. We believe that the concept of solidarity, when applied according to its semantic background, allows neither narrow-minded perceptions nor subjective motives. Such perceptions and motives inevitably lead to micro-political management, and inability to promote broad social goals. This kind of management may, in the course of its implementation, provide selfish satisfaction, but ultimately leads not only to social deadlocks but also to personal impasses.

Slowly but steadily, we gained the trust of a large group of consciencious Maniots and philo-Maniots who also agree with the non-selfish goals for our area contained in the newspaper’s publications. With this group of fellow citizens, we aim to continue communicating through the texts that appear in the columns of this newspaper and our website. This group represents the consciencious Maniots – those who, apart from their individual and family pursuits, feel that Mani is our common home and seek, actively and participatively, to improve the quality of life in our region and strengthen solidarity among our fellow citizens. Whether our fellow citizens who think in this way constitute a majority, or when this will be the case, the final conclusion may be drawn from many sociological factors. However, it is certain that vertical divisions, with well-concealed individual benefits, with the objective of preying on local power, will lead us to increasingly insurmountable impasses, ultimately causing the general deterioration of the quality of life and the fragmentation of social cohesion in our area. This is not just a sociological conclusion; it has been confirmed many times and recorded in the history of our region. We only need to realise it and to bring it to the current data in order to formulate a safe course of action and meet the demands of this critical period for the country and our region.   

THE EDITORIAL BOARD

POLITICAL TIME AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE OF NATIONS AND SPECIFIC REGIONS

Time is continuous. We humans segment it so that we can regulate issues that concern us, starting from the length of our own lives and encompassing almost all matters related to life, including our own, that of our relatives, our nation, and even humanity. Within these matters, political time plays a crucial role in the progress of societies. This is because the political system directing each society leads it to progress or to stagnate, depending on how it approaches political time. Political time is a dynamic entity, and the evaluation of the events of each period depends on their impact on future periods. Since the dynamics of the evolution of modern societies are rapid and uncertain, political time becomes very dense, requiring political planning with a much greater time depth. Otherwise, the resulting developments will not be controllable.

In democratic systems where governments are elected through universal suffrage, politicians are authorised to make decisions with a long-term perspective to function in an international reality that evolves very rapidly. Given that political time for producing stable and fruitful results for critical issues, such as, for example, promoting national goals at the central level or ensuring continuous progress and prosperity at the local level, is much longer than the terms of elected representatives, a substantial conflict arises between the broad and narrow views of political time. Unfortunately, citizens, who are called upon to renew or terminate the terms of elected representatives through universal suffrage, are, to a large extent, influenced by the narrow view of political time. They evaluate politicians based on the short-term impacts of these decisions, hindering politicians from shaping their policies with a broad time perspective. Overcoming this opposition can only be achieved through persuasive, analytical, and well-documented arguments. This approach, in conjunction with the overall acceptance climate of those in power at the central or local level, can influence the conscience of citizens, leading them to directly correlate the immediate and individually beneficial with the long-term and generalised social result. This is a challenging endeavour for politicians, given that its failure leads to election losses, and few dare to undertake it. Since the preceding analysis includes many theoretical considerations and general concepts, I will attempt to make it more understandable with two examples, one at the central and one at the local level. In these examples, the negative effects of the narrow view of political time during the critical decision-making period have manifested and been documented by the citizens.

1. Those among us who are older remember the first example, at the central level. It was the pension reform attempted by the Simitis government in 2001, aiming to maintain the ability of pension funds to provide pensions for their members over the next two decades. The party trade unionists and the great majority of the party’s politicians organised strong protests, and the bill was withdrawn. The political pressure led to the loss of power by the party in the subsequent elections, the weakening of trade unions, and eventually economic bankruptcy and internal devaluation of the incomes of all workers through drastic cuts imposed by the agreements of understanding (μνημόνια).

• Τhe second example, at the local level, dates back to 1998, when local government was redesigned with the abolition of Communities and the creation of Municipalities. In our area, the proposal to revive the old municipalities (which in Western Mani used to be Avia, Kardamyli and Lefktro) faced strong political opposition, because of the exclusion of certain communities. During the crucial preparatory period, the Regional Councils that were established cut off the communities of Verga and Mikri Mantineia, despite the opposition of the majority of the representatives of these two communities. In order to overcome these obstacles, it was proposed that the seat of the new municipality of Avia should not be Kampos (as it used to be), but Verga, a proposal that would have been universally accepted by the citizens of these two communities. However, the Regional Council of Kampos did not even want to discuss the proposal… The results, 25 years later, are the abolishment of the municipality of Avia with Kampos as its seat, the underrepresentation of Verga in the city of Kalamata, and the struggle for population numbers in the newly-created municipality of Western Mani.

From these examples, it is evident that the effectiveness of long-term management of political time is crucial both for state and local affairs.

                                                                                                                                       THE EDITORIAL BOARD

POLITICAL TIME AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE OF NATIONS AND SPECIFIC REGIONS

Time is continuous. We humans segment it so that we can regulate issues that concern us, starting from the length of our own lives and encompassing almost all matters related to life, including our own, that of our relatives, our nation, and even humanity. Within these matters, political time plays a crucial role in the progress of societies. This is because the political system directing each society leads it to progress or to stagnate, depending on how it approaches political time. Political time is a dynamic entity, and the evaluation of the events of each period depends on their impact on future periods. Since the dynamics of the evolution of modern societies are rapid and uncertain, political time becomes very dense, requiring political planning with a much greater time depth. Otherwise, the resulting developments will not be controllable.

In democratic systems where governments are elected through universal suffrage, politicians are authorised to make decisions with a long-term perspective to function in an international reality that evolves very rapidly. Given that political time for producing stable and fruitful results for critical issues, such as, for example, promoting national goals at the central level or ensuring continuous progress and prosperity at the local level, is much longer than the terms of elected representatives, a substantial conflict arises between the broad and narrow views of political time. Unfortunately, citizens, who are called upon to renew or terminate the terms of elected representatives through universal suffrage, are, to a large extent, influenced by the narrow view of political time. They evaluate politicians based on the short-term impacts of these decisions, hindering politicians from shaping their policies with a broad time perspective. Overcoming this opposition can only be achieved through persuasive, analytical, and well-documented arguments. This approach, in conjunction with the overall acceptance climate of those in power at the central or local level, can influence the conscience of citizens, leading them to directly correlate the immediate and individually beneficial with the long-term and generalised social result. This is a challenging endeavour for politicians, given that its failure leads to election losses, and few dare to undertake it. Since the preceding analysis includes many theoretical considerations and general concepts, I will attempt to make it more understandable with two examples, one at the central and one at the local level. In these examples, the negative effects of the narrow view of political time during the critical decision-making period have manifested and been documented by the citizens.

1. Those among us who are older remember the first example, at the central level. It was the pension reform attempted by the Simitis government in 2001, aiming to maintain the ability of pension funds to provide pensions for their members over the next two decades. The party trade unionists and the great majority of the party’s politicians organised strong protests, and the bill was withdrawn. The political pressure led to the loss of power by the party in the subsequent elections, the weakening of trade unions, and eventually economic bankruptcy and internal devaluation of the incomes of all workers through drastic cuts imposed by the agreements of understanding (μνημόνια).

• Τhe second example, at the local level, dates back to 1998, when local government was redesigned with the abolition of Communities and the creation of Municipalities. In our area, the proposal to revive the old municipalities (which in Western Mani used to be Avia, Kardamyli and Lefktro) faced strong political opposition, because of the exclusion of certain communities. During the crucial preparatory period, the Regional Councils that were established cut off the communities of Verga and Mikri Mantineia, despite the opposition of the majority of the representatives of these two communities. In order to overcome these obstacles, it was proposed that the seat of the new municipality of Avia should not be Kampos (as it used to be), but Verga, a proposal that would have been universally accepted by the citizens of these two communities. However, the Regional Council of Kampos did not even want to discuss the proposal… The results, 25 years later, are the abolishment of the municipality of Avia with Kampos as its seat, the underrepresentation of Verga in the city of Kalamata, and the struggle for population numbers in the newly-created municipality of Western Mani.

From these examples, it is evident that the effectiveness of long-term management of political time is crucial both for state and local affairs.

                                                                                                                                        THE EDITORIAL BOARD

Every decade or so, a generalised journalistic interest in the natural and cultural environment of Mani returns. The timing is generally associated with rich, environmental projects funded by European resources. Usually, the new study largely duplicates the previous one, yet it is paid for by the new funding! The resulting proposals are based on a free approach to the natural and cultural environment, but with little consideration of the people who live and operate in the area. It goes without saying that the reactions, from almost all the residents and land owners are strong, and these studies only go as far as repaying the costs of their preparation…  Having followed the evolution of this issue for over three decades, we suspect that the recent publications are related to the studies financed by the Recovery and Resilience Fund for rezoning the settlements of Greece, prioritising many settlements in Mani. Our newspaper MANIOT SOLIDARITY, in its almost 25 years of publication, has never opposed measures for the qualitative upgrading of the region, as long as this upgrading is not fragmentary and as long as it is accompanied by measures of an integrated nature, with guaranteed funding and a clear timing of implementation. It goes without saying that this view is also valid in the present case. It is therefore appropriate to give a brief presentation of this issue below, which is crucial for the region and has been brought back into the news.

The residential area of Mani, for the greater part of its extent, has been created by the evolution of the first patriarchal family settlements, usually in neighbouring natural outcrops of the natural area. With the passing of different generations, the originally constructed houses turned into small group settlements, usually at short distances from each other. With particular social, political and environmental sensitivity, Antonis Tritsis, Environment Minister in 1982, considered it necessary to create the possibility for residential development of the country’s settlements that were not classified as traditional or coastal settlements. This possibility included many settlements in Mani. However, discrepancies from the lack of implementation or multiple distortions of the original legislation were caused mainly by political expediency for the exploitation of the euphoria of the owners whose properties increased in value. Discrepancies were also caused by the parasitic operation of the network of services offered to the land owners during the procedures leading up to the sale of their land for residential use or for the construction of buildings in the new residential zone bordering the “stagnant” settlements.

From the brief description above, it is obvious that, for the qualitative upgrading of the new residential area of many settlements of Mani, the removal of the deviations or distortions of the original regulations is required. This does not mean abolishing the residential status, because this would violate the constitutional guarantee of property, and it would put land owners who have used it for residential purposes on an unequal footing with those who would exercise this right in the future. But it does mean that the state is obliged to implement public works that it has so far failed to prioritise and finance. One of the best of these technical public works is a form of urban planning of the new residential area, as envisaged by the original 1982 legislation. Another good example is the design and implementation of all necessary infrastructure projects providing for residential densities such as those that have arisen in our area. A form of “cleansing” of the entire matrix of groups of persons involved in the construction system of this residential zone would also be beneficial.

We believe that Maniots, like most citizens who have agricultural roots and an experiential relationship with the natural environment, will stand in solidarity with government decisions that will move towards an integrated quality upgrade, even with their own participation in land and money. However, such decisions must follow the ancient saying of the Oracle of Delphi: he who creates a problem has an obligation to fix it. In other words, the political system, responsible during the 1980s for the distortions of the original legislative regulation of the “stagnant” settlements and the tacit tolerance of all its deviations in order to enjoy the political euphoria of the benefitted citizens during all electoral procedures, has an obligation with its current political expression to make the necessary decisions of restoration which we discussed above. In this way, the political system will be rewarded by the citizens, not only for the qualitative restoration of the residential area, but also for the manifestation of the courage that political ethics requires as a necessary condition for the progress and prosperity of the states and their citizens.

                                                                                                    THE EDITORIAL BOARD

The main advantage of municipal government, particularly at the local level, is the ability of citizens to have direct access to the results produced by their elected representatives during their term of office. Even in large cities, despite their high building density and many districts, the evaluation of results can be very reliable. However, visibility of actions and assessment of the municipal government’s work is easier in rural areas with a small-scale urban fabric, such as Mani. If we accept that there are two major themes that constitute the main οbjectives of local government, i.e., a) quality of life and b) natural environment, then in the urban municipalities, due to the high density of population, the quality of life should be the first priority, while rural municipalities, due to their large territorial area, should prioritise the natural environment. The common rule, in order to achieve efficiency in both cases, is the obligation to apply the following basic economic rule: “maximising the return on the financial resources allocated at the lowest possible cost”.

At each level of operation of the elected bodies, and especially at the leadership levels, we need to examine the incentives that prompted elected officials to participate in the local government. It is certain that if the real cause of this impulse is the sincere desire to offer social work and provided, of course, that this desire is combined with competence acquired through studies and/or professional experience, the results will be visible and measurable, so that they can be recognised by any bona fide observer. Usually, however, human passions, such as the thirst for glory and money, are the main motives for participating in the local government. Although the pursuit of glory, in its pure form, is a legitimate ambition for humans, it often loses its purity under the strong pressure to materialise and it leads to uncontrollable actions. Becoming rich through compensation provided by a municipal government to its elected officials is impossible. Municipal politicians, however, can become rich through the many decision-making powers granted to them by the legislative framework and the lax internal control mechanisms for these decisions. It is perhaps no coincidence that in practice the decisions of local government bodies are not subject to effective social scrutiny by the public. Summarising the preceding thoughts, we conclude that only the existence of a conscious willingness for social contribution through municipal government institutions can provide positive results for the society. The reward for local politicians should not be personal enrichment, but rather the satisfaction of conscienciously performing one’s duties, which sometimes can also bring glory to some extent. 

One way of measuring results in rural municipalities is by observing improvements in the physical environment (municipal roads and squares, rural roads, municipal buildings and monuments, harbours). Their maintenance is financed annually from the state budget and requires coordinated action, based on the principle of “maximising results at the lowest cost”, in order to implement the necessary projects in an efficient manner. A prerequisite for the completion of these works is the full use of human resources within the scope of their duties and, above all, the capability of the elected politicians to plan and coordinate all the necessary phases from preparation to completion.

Another way of measuring results in rural municipalities is by observing improvements in the areas related to quality of life (water supply, drainage, sewage, electricity, cleaniness of municipal spaces, solid household waste). Daily local government actions in these areas (particularly in those areas that are financed directly by the users of these services) are easily observable, and conclusions about the effectiveness of these services and the coordinative capacity of the elected politicians can be drawn easily. It should be noted that for the “quality of life” projects a significant amount of funding is required, and that the search for funding from the central government is the primary responsibility of the municipal authorities, both unilateral and collective.

We hope that in the upcoming municipal elections the voters will consider the thoughts developed in this editorial and choose those candidates who will be able to create maximum efficiency for the benefit of our society.

THE EDITORIAL BOARD