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NEW CORONA VIRUS: THE TRANSITION FROM FEAR TO SOLIDARITY IS DIFFICULT, BUT NECESSARY

NEW CORONA VIRUS: THE TRANSITION FROM FEAR TO SOLIDARITY IS DIFFICULT, BUT NECESSARY

   Three months have passed since the strict measures against the COVID-19 pandemic were first implemented in our country. These measures, proposed by the appropriate health authorities and legislated by the government, were systematically adhered to by the public. This was a pleasant surprise, because as a nation, we are not characterised by obedience and compliance to the laws. This has made us reflect on the reasons why the implementation of these measures was so successful and why this time the Greek citizens listened to the competent health authorities and the government. Most people concluded that the success is due to two reasons: a) the decisive action of the government at a very early stage in the outbreak of COVID-19 and, most importantly, b) the fear of getting sick and the strong desire for the continuation of life.

   We are wondering if this fear and the adherence to the safety measures will also continue beyond the first trimester since the outbreak. We are worried that as the spreading of COVID-19 diminishes, the fear of the citizens will also diminish, and they might undertake activities harmful to their own health and the health of others. People might now just want to satisfy some strong desires that they have put aside during the past three months. We hope that these desires will not prove to be more powerful than the sense of reason and self-preservation. If all of a sudden we have a lot of people who no longer care about health safety measures, then we might end up with the reversal of the present positive situation and fall back to the situation we had in March, with detrimental effects. We might even have to re-implement strict emergency measures again.

   One way to deal with citizens who are falling back to lax behaviour and are not being careful about maintaining high standards of safety, is to remind them of the data, facts and situations from the early stage of the pandemic, which had instilled fear in them and made them comply. This way of helping resolve the problem of falling back offers us only a temporary means of controlling the situation; however, if we really want to achieve solid and permanent results, we will need to undertake a long and difficult journey. What we will really need to do is to develop a sentiment of social solidarity. The difference between a) remembering the fear at the beginning of the pandemic and b) building social solidarity, is qualitative, with the second one being much superior to the first. Bringing back the fear and implementing strict measures might eventually turn the fear into a phobia and create psychological problems. On the other hand, considering cooperation as a social obligation and developing a sentiment of societal solidarity towards our fellow citizens is a more difficult route to take, which does not lead to phobias or have any negative side effects. The difficulty in adopting social solidarity lies in the fact that in order to achieve that, we first have to put our personal interests aside and instead focus on our obligation to protect our fellow human beings. By doing this, we are also protecting ourselves from the disease. In addition, we get rewarded by the feeling that we belong to a bigger community, to the society as a whole, and we keep our psychological balance, which is of the utmost importance for a good quality of life, particularly in times of difficulty.

   We need to reflect on the fact that all societies which have reached a high standard of civilisation were (and most continue to be) cohesive societies, and their people were individuals who placed the common good ahead of their own personal interests. In ancient times, human groups needed to work together in order to face external dangers; they also needed to cooperate, so that they could secure enough food for every member of their group. The first examples of cooperation and solidarity between the members of a social group came from that prehistoric period because of the need to meet these primary needs. Even in our times today these basic needs are still met in the same way.

Defending the borders and the territorial sovereignty of a country is the duty of every nation, which has to be based on cooperation, solidarity and the sharing of common ideals among the citizens. In the present corona virus period, the sense of protecting each other by having everyone adhering to strict safety health measures is also an expression of social solidarity. This should apply not only to individuals, but also to states who are members of transnational unions and associations. It seems that states more and more understand the need for mutual protection from the pandemic, cooperation and solidarity, although there are still a few exceptions to the rule.

IN SPITE OF SOCIAL DISTANCING, THE DESIRE FOR CLOSE COOPERATION IS THE SOLUTION TO FUTURE PROBLEMS

The considerable time we have spent in voluntary social distancing  as a means of protection against the  spreading of the corona virus has been for most of us a time for reflection, personal assessment, and most importantly, a time for making decisions on our future course, after the end of the pandemic. In Greece, the first phase of health protection measures against the pandemic has been successful, however, the second phase will be a lot more complex. In order to achieve the highest protection of the population while suffering the least economic losses, close cooperation between individuals and societal groups is needed, and well thought-out political decisions have to me made. Flexibility is also needed in modifying the existing plans according to the new data and the effectiveness of the measures that are being taken

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                The most important condition for successfully dealing with the new situations that will arise during the second phase, is reaching a solid consensus on what exactly individual citizens should do. Reaching consensus on the protective measures that have been implemented so far was what made the first phase so successful.  During the second phase, the consensus will need to address both health protection of the population as well as recovery of the economy. In order to succeed in reaching a consensus, we will need to make a conscientious effort to place the good of all Greek citizens ahead of our personal financial interest. An encouraging factor for dealing effectively with the challenging second phase of the pandemic is the realisation and the satisfaction that we were able to go through the first phase with a minimum loss of human lives. Hopefully the humanity  that has prevailed during the two months of our mandatory self-isolation will be the basis for moderation. This is not the time to have unreasonable demands on the state for compensation of individuals for loss of wages or businesses for loss of income. The reduced economic activity of March and April, which at times in many areas was non-existent, cannot be dealt with unreasonable financial demands in terms of subsidies. Furthermore, it is very obvious that public finances cannot survive an extended period of granting subsidies or offering reductions of the tax rates for individuals and businesses. We need to agree on the fact that the burden of the present economic downturn will have to be carried equitably by everyone. Everyone of us needs to accept that we will all experience a reduction in our finances. Once we reach a consensus on this necessity, we will be able to judge with constructive criticism the economic policies that will be implemented. Thus, if necessary, we will be able to intervene in a mild and cooperative manner, so that we may help right any injustices or even advocate for favourable regulations for some needy societal groups.

                By reaching a common understanding on what needs to be done during the present circumstances, we can address the new situations that will develop during the evolution of the pandemic, calmly and with clear thinking. Closer human contact will bring increased economic activity and the reopening of various business operations, so that we can eventually return to the normalcy of the pre-pandemic days. Given that even if we take all the precaution measures, we can still get infected or infect others with corona virus, we need to keep in mind that protecting just ourselves is not enough. We also need to worry about others and help protect everyone that we come in contact with. In this way, we can develop the conditions for mutual protection, which will help bring about closer relations among people. In a time of crisis, we might develop emotional relationships that are much more meaningful than the ones that we have experienced before the outbreak of the pandemic, an emergency which has threatened the lives of all of us.

                Medical scientists believe that the elimination of the corona virus and the pandemic will happen only when an effective vaccine is developed. Coordinated research efforts will hopefully produce medication that will be effective in treating patients infected with COVID-19. We should remember that even in the field of medico-biological science, collaboration plays the most important role.  Medico-biological information is exchanged through transnational collaboration and through publications of experiment results in scientific publications. It is the same preparedness for collaboration that is fostered by the whole human community at times of crises, so that dangers can be addressed, particularly new, not well-defined dangers, such as in the corona virus pandemic. This kind of cooperation between the citizens and the scientists of different countries as well as the cooperation between state leaders makes the vilified concept of globalisation much more desirable and beneficial.

                We are hopeful that at the end of this general health and economic crisis, we will all come out of it more aware, sensitive and cooperative. We are hopeful that we will always remember in the course of our lives the collaborative initiatives that have come as a result of our common desire to combat this pandemic.

NEED FOR SELF-REFLECTΙΟΝ AND RETURN TO FRUGAL LIVING

   The global pandemic of coronavirus has turned the established family and state budgets upside down. When faced with the dilemma of whether to save human lives or the economy, most governments, including the Greek government, have decided that it is saving human lives that should take precedence. However the recently-implemented safety measures affect the economy in a very negative way. In order to effectively protect the economy as much as possible, the citizens need to accept the necessity of these safety measures and adjust to the new financial reality. Of course, the state will need to provide fair and well thought-out aid packages to struggling families and businesses.This is the only way to deal with the financial imbalance which was suddenly and for an undetermined length of time caused by the coronavirus spread.

   The need for frugal living at times of financial difficulty has been a familiar situation for our forefathers, most recently for those who lived in the middle of the 20th century. Ten years of war (WW2 and civil war) had caused widespread damage and completely dismantled the Greek economy. Then, as now, the need for rebuilding the economy was widely understood. Society at large accepted the fact that the basis for improving the economy was frugal living on the part of all citizens. We will mention the answer of Nicolaos Plastiras (thrice Prime Minister during the difficult years between 1945 and 1952) when he was asked if he wanted a telephone line installed in his residence: “how can I accept such a luxury, when Greek citizens do not even have the basics for survival?” Frugal living paid off, as seen by the economic indicators of the 1950’s and 1960’s when Greek economic growth was among the highest in Europe. Younger generations know about the economic sacrifices of that period, having heard their forefathers’ conversations or having read books on this subject. What young people need to do now is to apply this knowledge to today’s circumstances. They need to understand that the way out of the closing and financial ruin of businesses and the state economy in general, caused by the spread of the coronavirus, is that they have to adopt a strict and frugal lifestyle. The difference between then (the years of WW2 and the civil war that followed) and now is that then frugal living was imposed after the loss of many lives, while now it is imposed by the policies that are helping save many human lives.

   At the present time, as we are practising voluntary isolation at home, it would be an excellent idea to reflect on our lives up to now and also on the future long-term plans for ourselves and our families. Now, as we are confined at home and practise social distancing, we have all the time we need for systematic and objective reflection, so that we reach valid conclusions. We hope that most readers agree with the two paragraphs above and share our views. We need to act as a homogeneous and cohesive society, and walk ahead united towards the “period of frugal living”, which no one knows how long it will last.

   In Mani, the stony soil, the limited natural resources and the climatic conditions have forced its inhabitants into permanent frugal living for many centuries. Frugal living, stony terrain and the specific geographic location of Mani have all helped to keep our ancestors always ready for combat, so that they could immediately fend off external dangers. It is a fact that our forefathers have long been used to frugal living. Sociobiology tells us that century-long customs and adaptations can influence the genetic DNA of families who have lived in a specific area for many generations. We hope that these influences, which usually resurface during critical times, will prevail again during the critical period that we are facing now due to the coronavirus pandemic. We know that unanimity can greatly help us to deal with the unprecendented new conditions that we are faced with.

UNSTABLE BALANCE BETWEEN TRADITION AND INNOVATIVENESS DURING THE 200 YEARS AFTER 1821

   A few months ago, in an article referring to the 200th anniversay since the Greek revolution and the corresponding planned festivities, we had written that one of the main points for reflection at this time should be the question of making a choice between “East and West”, which was very prominent during the last decades of the Byzantine empire. Choosing between East and West was a problem that was faced by all sections of the society, church and state during the four centuries of the Ottoman occupation. It would be interesting to examine how this dilemma, which continues to exist until today, has affected our way of living, customs and mentality during the two centuries of the existence of the modern Greek state.

   Here is an excerpt from the above-mentioned article: Οur reflection should focus on the four different societal groups at the beginning of the revolution and their interrelations. These groups were: a) the militant groups (armed fighters) both on the land and in the sea with their leaders (“captains”), b) the local representatives of the Christian population during the Ottoman rule (“kotzabasides” and bishops), c) the leading Christian orthodox group in Constantinople (the elite class of “Fanariotes” and the patriarchate) and d) the Greek merchants and intellectuals who brought the Enlightment from Western Europe to Greece. All these four groups had different ideas about the revolution, which affected their actions. They proceeded with caution and participated in the fight for independence  in different ways”.

    Ordinary Greek citizens were influenced by the ideas of these leading societal groups, adjusted them to their needs, and voted accordingly in the elections that started almost immediately after independence, and were held regularly after the uprising of September 3, 1843. This uprising was organised by the Greek Army in Athens against the autocratic rule of King Otto, which resulted in the end of the absolute and the beginning of the constitutional monarchy era. Unfortunately, the decision-making during national elections was most often influenced by “eastern” customs, such as cronyism, tax evasion, deceitful submission to those who are stronger, etc. In fewer cases, the electorate voted for political candidates who had innovative ideas, such as establishing secure trade conditions, combining personal or family interests with state interests, and in general novel and progressive ideology. Although the Greek people had long been used to the Ottoman way of running public affairs, during the last two centuries before the revolution they had also been exposed to the ideas of the Enlightment, which were prominent in the west, and which were introduced to Greece by merchants and intellectuals. These ideas were naturally leading to democratic governments. The expansion of trade, the production and transport of products from the west to the markets of the east, helped bring to our country some of the new elements that had been developed in the west. These elements of modern liberal ideology were steadily reinforced by Greek immigrants who had returned permanently to their homeland, after having lived in western societies and having experienced first-hand the novel way of democratic living in several European countries.

   The eastern and western ideologies were succeeding each other rapidly in Greek politics, according to the ideology of each incoming leader. The big chance for Greece’s radical modernisation was lost forever after the assassination of the Governor Capodistria, the very politician that the national assembly had invited in 1827 from Switzerland, where he had resided since 1822, to Greece, in order to save the faltering Greek revolution! The fact that the assassination happened at a time when a new loan had just been arranged by Capodistria is very unfortunate. This loan would have secured a strong governance structure for the new state, which so far was financially supported by the Governor himself (who liquidated his assets) and by his friends who were fundraising for the Greek cause in various European countries.

    The first years after the revolution were years of extreme difficulty and poverty for Maniots. Lack of war action and prohibition of piracy meant that Maniots could no longer find employment in these two fields, which unfortunately were remains of many centuries of the eastern way of living in our area. Families  did not have the means to feed and support hemselves. Employment in the army and the public administration were also not possible, because of lack of government funding. Trading with the West, which was robust during the leadership of Tzanetos Grigorakis, was declining in the decade after his removal from office. All these facts were forcing the majority of Maniots to continue to support the old eastern ideas and the local political system of καπετανίες. Dire financial circumstances led to cruel conflicts.

    In this article we have given a brief general idea of the first uncertain steps between tradition and modernisation during the first period of the modern Greek state. (We will return to this topic, analysing various social characteristics during the years that followed the post-revolution era).

UNIFIED MANI: THE ONLY WAY TO DEVELOP THE AREA

   In a few days the yearly celebrations for the anniversay of the Maniot uprising and the beginning of the 1821 revolution will start. We will hear celebratory speeches that will praise the common war undertakings by Maniot warlords and their troops. The celebrations and festivities will break the routine in our daily lives and will remind us of Mani at the height of its  glory. Unfortunately, after the celebrations, we will  continue to approach in a  fragmented and individualistic manner the new situations brought upon us by the third industrial revolution’s information, economy and job market. In the meantime, we the inhabitants of Mani will continue to sell our land, so that we can meet our financial obligations. The monoculture of the olive tree, the badly organised marketing of the Maniot oil and the global overproduction of this product have all resulted in a lower income for us. Tourism, due to the specific characteristics of our region, brings additional income, which is unfortunately also significantly lower than what it could potentially be, if we only were able to manage this new source of wealth in a firm and orderly manner.

   It seems as if we have forgotten what the popular term “Unified Mani”, which Maniots and philo-Maniots like to use in every possiblle occasion, means. To us, the members of the “Maniot Solidarity” association and the stakeholders of our newspaper, it means forming common understandings and undertaking common actions for developing the potential of our area. This means full exploitation of the geographical, climatic and cultural characteristics of Mani. In order to achieve maximum potential, all planning and proposals need to refer to Mani as a whole, and then funding for smaller development projects should be distributed according to the particular characteristics of each area. In this way, the term “Unified Mani” will acquire reality and substance and will help bring maximum benefit to specific Maniot municipalities and their people.  

   During the 20 years since the first publication of our newspaper, we have been closely observing the course of events in Mani. In the past 20 years we have seen the merging of communities and local authority associations to seven municipalities in 1998 and to two municipalities in 2010. Since the municipalities are now only two, we would have expected that there would be increased possibility for achieving a common understanding and developing common development proposals. What we have observed instead was increased bureaucracy and lack of coordinated action. Instead of development potential, what we have observed is just simply managing everyday life in our region. During the past 20 years we saw minimal development in the public sector. There were few initiatives, which resulted in small public works that were carried out in a fragmented manner.

   Unfortunately, the Development Agency of Mani (Aναπτυξιακή Εταιρεία Μάνης), which was founded in 1994, initially tried unsuccessfully to bring common understanding and common action between the 80 municipalities and the 4 local authority associations of Mani. Ten years later, the agency became inactive due to different ideas that were formed after the changes in the local government administration. These new ideas and the bureaucracy of the state government resulted in separate development proposals, fragmentation and disassociation between different public work projects.

   After the last elections, it seems that a new situation is developing between state and local (both regional and municipal) governments, with a view to less state control and assigning more jurisdiction to local authorities. Hopefully this new trend will benefit the local development projects of Mani. The many voices of the municipal councils could have a positive influence on new proposals and projects. It would be a good idea if, not only new, but also older development proposals would now be discussed and re-examined, such as the ones that were presented in the OXE program (Πρόγραμμα Ολοκληρωμένων Χωρικών Επενδύσεων Μάνης) and integrated in the ΠΕΠ program (Περιφερειακό Επιχειρησιακό Πρόγραμμα Πελοποννήσου). An old project that really needs to be brought back to the table is the road Milea – Panagia Giatrissa, for which funding was already allotted in 2014, however, for the past 6 years the funds remain locked in the coffers of the Regional Fund of Peloponnese (Περιφερειακό Ταμείο Πελοποννήσου). We need to finally understand that Mount Taygetos is a unifying and not a dividing feature of the different areas of Mani. We need to remember that Taygetos is the mountain that has formed the special geographic and climatic characteristics of our area that attract tourists to Mani; it is due to Taygetos that our ancestors were able to stay independent during the centuries of Turkish occupation and it is due to Taygetos that they developed their free and fighting spirit, which we have proudly inherited from them.

BOOSTING MORALE AT A TIME OF REPEATED EXTERNAL THREATS IS THE BASIS FOR A SAFE OUTCOME

   A profound and pragmatic knowledge of the reality of our relations with Turkey dictates a ratio of 3:5 in military equipment in order to secure balance. This approach had been the official external affairs policy of the Greek state regarding Turkey for many years now. At one point, before the recent Greek economic crisis, when rumours about armament bribes were made public, politicians stopped telling us whether this ratio was in fact still maintained. This was a time of peak political antagonisms and large amounts of money diverted towards political campaigns, so that the electorate would change their political allegiance. Thus, the expenses for the army became a non-priority, bribes and private provision were increased, and the budget for the armed services, and mainly for purchase of military equipment, was reduced! Our arms industry, which had always been of limited capacity, was used for cheap political and opportunistic point scoring. The result was that our war industries fell into financial dire straits and were about to be shut down!

   Our neighbour did exactly the opposite. In spite of the many unstable military dictatorships that they previously had, they managed to stabilize their political system, to put their economy in order in spite of the high inflation the plagued their finances for decades, and to industrialise their country by building upon their strong rural economy and training the large manpower of the countryside. They also secured many contacts in terms of external affairs as equal partners with other countries, even with those which are much more powerful and populous. Certainly, it was mainly through economic development, which was achieved through the stability of the political system, that the morale of the Turkish citizens was raised. Their politicians combined religion and politics, and within this framework they attracted large societal groups, which greatly benefitted from the 2-digit economic development increases, and household finances improved in the long-term.Turkey developed high-efficiency war industry projects, co-financed by high-tech European and American companies, and our neighbour is now able to deliver very costly military materials, such as airplanes, submarines and tanks.

   We insist that in circumstances like the present one, boosting the morale of the Greek population is of the utmost importance. If we examine our past, we will observe that all our sucesses were triggered by high morale: the 1821 Ιndependence War, our victories of the 1912-13 Balkan wars, the epic of 1940. We need to develop the appropriate conditions for the “leap forward”. We need to get through the present low point to which we were led by long-term financial breakdown and political antagonism. We have proved that during adverse circumstances in the past, we were capable of such a “leap forward”: the 1821 revolution happened after the suppression of previous uprisings and the killing of many guerrilla warriors by the occupiers. Our 1912-13 victories happened just a short time after the disastrous war of 1897. The epic of 1940 was achieved after deep divisions, numerous military coups d’état, and the Metaxas dictatorship of the previous decade.

     It is up to our politicians on all levels to implement policies that will gradually help form a common point of view, a common ground and a consensus as to how threats against Greek sovereignty should be dealt with. If consensus is formed, then the necessary steps on the diplomatic level and the funding for the necessary military equipment will have the public support needed, while implementation and success in these fronts will be easier to achieve. If we can all agree now on a common ground, it will be much easier to agree again in future, when the need to find a point of common reference will rise again.

   This is the kind of news that the average Greek citizen expects to hear, so that he/she feels somewhat safe, when he/she hears again renewed threats from our neighbour on the east. Citizens will be able to budget more efficiently, will use their resources in the best possible way and will support our national defence goals to their best ability. This applies to all Greek citizens, but particularly to us Maniots, because in the past we have responded extremely well to such messages for unity and cooperation, using all the resources available at all levels. In the past, we have proved that we can put aside our personal differences, join forces, harness talent, and ultimately find common ground in order to deliver solutions for external threats and containing their effects.  

   Citizens and politicians, now is the time to reflect on the lessons our ancestors have taught us. Now is the time to take action according to their example.

ECTIONS AT THE DAWN OF THE NEW DECADE

At the beginning of the new decade the political landscape seems cloudy. The whole world, and in particular Greece, is faced with dire circumstances, which are the result of poor political decision-making during the last decades. The fact that the political and economic situation in the competitor countries has improved makes the situation in our country even worse. The hope for determined intervention on Greece’s behalf by other friendly states has been overestimated. Unfortunately, in our country we do not even have the unanimity needed to face the complicated issues that lie ahead. It seems that the only thing we can do is to display individual courage so that we can manage the complicated problems that we are faced with.

   Bravery was the virtue that characterised our ancestors in similar circumstances. This has been proven by their stance during the corresponding decades of the 20th and the 19th centuries. Because of their bravery, they were able to deal with problems disproportionally severe compared to the small size of our country and to the limited political and military resources of such a small population. Until the beginning of the 20th century, the vision of “the greater Greece of the two continents and the seven seas” was simply an unreachable dream. Before that, until 1820, the possibility of putting an end to the Turkish rule was also considered utterly unrealistic. However, in both these cases, two brave men rose above the difficulties and brought results favourable for our country, results which before could only have been dreamt about. Venizelos, a master in politics, external affairs and diplomacy, was able in 1920 to materialise the dream of the “greater Greece of the two continents and the seven seas”.  Papaflessas (“the mad priest”, as people called him) was able in 1820 to inspire his compatriots, so that they acquire the necessary courage to abolish the servitude and to get our country liberated from the formidable Turkish rule.

   Unfortunately, what usually happens is that after the first enthusiasms and the successes of brave patriots, division follows, due to greed, pursuit of personal interest and egocentricity. The toppling of Venizelos’ government and the “Asia Minor Disaster” occurred in 1922, just two years after the brave exploits of 1920. The same happened with the civil wars of the period 1824-1827, which could potentially have led to the loss of everything that had been won through the bravery of 1820.

   It is beyond doubt that Maniots have always been extremely brave. Unfortunately, we can also be extremely divisive, a fact that was observed in both decades of 1920-1930 and 1820-1830. In the first case, the unanimous enlisting in the victorious wars of 1910-1920 was followed by the deep division of the citizens in two groups: the followers of Venizelos and the royalists, a division which brought catastrophic results during the next decade. In the second case, the unanimous enlisting in the victorious independence wars of 1821 was followed by the discord between the leading warlord families of Mavromichalis and Mourtzinos and the troops they commanded in Mani; this conflict reached a peak during the governance of Capodistria and brought subsequent catastrophic results.

   What is needed during these hard times is not only bravery, but also continued unanimity and agreed upon planning and actions. If this base exists, then it is almost certain that competent leaders with strong personalities will emerge, who will be able to create the right conditions in order to manage the current complicated issues.

   Of course, creating the positive climate that will bring the right conditions is the responsibility of the political parties, and the political system in general. The central government is responsible for creating the conditions for consensus. However, this is only possible if the opposing parties also recognise the need for these particular consents. It would be a blessing if the general consensus regarding sensitive issues such as national sovereignty could also be applied to other areas. Political parties should be able to express their ideological mindset in calm and resolute terms, while always keeping in mind the seriousness of the issues to be dealt with.

   On the municipal level, it would be a good idea if the pluralistic municipal councils in Mani could achieve a common base of understanding on issues of public interest, and could express these positions in a low-key, matter-of-fact manner. It is certain that the expression of the political word in calm terms will help bring unanimity in the small communities of our region.

PUBLIC WORKS: PRIORITISING COMPETENCE AND ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THEIR IMPLEMENTATION

Recently there has been a new round of discussions about public works, focusing on the cause of specific issues, such as delays, direct or indirect reinvoicing, defective and even unsafe construction. However, it seems that these discussions do not address the primary reasons for this dismal situation, but instead address issues of minor importance. It seems as if these discussions are directed towards finding an alibi and providing justification for the incompetence of those who undertake to carry out public works on the state’s behalf. This ineffectiveness is observed in all stages, from the allocation of funds to the completion and delivery of the public works.

Ineffectiveness and lack of transparency as far as public works are concerned have reached new heights.  It seems that our country holds the record in this area, while the reasons for this predicament are many and hard to define.  In the paragraphs below, we will attempt to examine in hierarchical order not only the actions, but also the omissions of those who manage all stages of public works (legislation, invitations to tender, completion and delivery), as well as their accountability for the negative results that are observed and recorded by the general public of the areas where they occur. There are four (4) categories of people who should be held accountable for this deplorable situation, as described below.

First, central government politicians. Since they have the jurisdiction to legislate, they can define firm and rigid regulations regarding the development of public construction projects, from planning to completion.  It is necessary that a rigid framework also allows for healthy competition between the civil engineering companies that will study and carry out each construction project.  Healthy competition should be based on a detailed statutory system,

which regulates the technical description of each project as well as the requirements and conditions of the tender.It often happens that during the course of a particular project, situations arise that can only be solved in court. A clearly and precisely identified framework with tight deadlines for these court cases and with strict legal consequences for those who do not abide with this framework is also necessay.   The identification as highly punishable “specific criminal offences” of transgressions and collaboration between guilds that have formed cliques during the course of a public construction project would have a dissuasive effect on this type of wrongdoing, which has become quite common.

Second, the municipal politicians and officials appointed by the local politicians. Since this group is politically responsible for the planning and completion of technical projects in their area, they should also be responsible for the detailed technical and financial study of each project as well as for the clearly defined conditions of the tender. There are many advisors in the municipal governments who can  provide reliable information regarding the specific requirements and characteristics of each category of technical projects.

Third, the technical staff who examine and supervise the public construction projects. This group is supposed to support the work of the municipal politicians and officials of the previous paragraph and make sure that the regulations for the technical description of each project as well as the requirements and conditions of the tender are respected and closely followed. This is the group that comes into direct regular contact with the people who carry out constructions projects, watch every step of the works at the constructions sites, verify the quality of materials, check

the work done behind the scenes and ultimately decide whether the project meets the safety standards.

Last, the contractors. They are a likeable group, which has acquired a bad reputation because of many unsafe and substandard technical public projects that they have undertaken. Construction deficiencies are usually reported by citizens of the area and also sometimes exposed by adverse climatic events. The quest for profit is not in itself reproachable, as long as it is compatible with the quest for safety. Before accepting a public project, contractors should make sure that they are actually able to deliver the services as promised and at the agreedupon price, without compromising the materials or the construction standards and within the agreed upon time-limits. If the contractors are simply after the highest profit, then they will make dubious political and financial deals, as well as compromises in many areas. They are the ones who will take all the blame for the inefficiencies, because it is the contractors that the public sees at the building sites…

Any time that the above-mentioned four groups of people do not abide by the rules, they are guilty of conflict of interest in the best scenario and guilty of fraud, misappropriation of funds and corruption in the worst scenario. No matter how big the efforts to cover a misdeed are, Econometrics has shown time and again that there is a very heavy price to pay for defective construction of public works: it is a huge monetary loss for the country, which negatively affects the national growth expectations and the  living standard of the citizens. This is of particular importance in areas like Mani, which receives very limited subsidies for public work contract

LAND REGISTRY AND FOREST REGISTRY: BUREAUCRATIC INEFFICIENCIES PROVE THE INADEQUACY OF POLITICAL MANAGEMENT

   Land registry and forest registry are two big national projects, absolutely necessary for the modernisation of our country, so that there is certainty about land ownership status. Completion of these surveys will lead to security of ownership and will create the necessary conditions for the recovery οf the construction industry, which in turn will lead to tourist development and to more extensive crops. It is a positive element that the completion of these surveys was imposed by the EU through various memoranda (and paid by the EU) in order to spur growth in our country. For twenty years now, we have been receiving fat subsidies for the completion of these two projects, but we are still unable to finish them. This demonstrates the political inadequacy of the Greek governments, which in past years have been managing these overly generous subsidies. The governments in office failed not only because of incompetence, but also because they opted for implementation plans on the basis of personal interest. The ordinary citizens who were expecting that the completion of these processes would mean stability of their ownership status, now find themselves entangled in a long-term series of amendments to state decisions, renegotiations and adaptations of  public procurement contracts with contractors and subcontractors, bottlenecks in court battles, costly fees, and even worse, they have no idea when these vague, open-ended procedures will come to an end and registration for the whole land will be achieved.

   Recently published developments make the whole land and forestry registry situation even more uncertain. The Supreme Court has just ruled in favour of a citizen/land owner who claimed that essential data was not considered during the compilation of forest surveys in his perfecture. This has resulted in the annulment of all forest surveys for the whole perfecture, and it now creates a precedent for many more such claims on the part of land owners. The fact that during the last ten months since the implementation of the registration of agricultural land in the real estate cadastre only 20-25% of the land of Mani has been registered, leads us to the conclusion that even after the end of the latest extension of the registration deadline, not even half the land will have been registered. It is obvious that anything that has to do with the land and forest registration was conducted poorly and with the utmost sloppiness. Once more, the inefficiency of public administration negatively affects the average citizen. This has already been happening for some time as far as agricultural land and forest registration is concerned, but it will become even worse in the future, during the long remaining years until the completion of these two projects, which will lead to the modernisation of our country. Since the EU subsidies provided for this purpose have already been spent by various state governments, the high cost of the necessary registration procedures will be covered by the national budget, which means that the expenses will be rolled over to the average citizen through general and specific taxation. Once more, the public administration incompetence will become an additional financial burden for the Greek tax payers.

   The agricultural land and forest registration programs affect a large part of the population, larger than the number of residents in each municipality. These two projects are of major importance to society, and their handling, as far as both general guidelines and specific details are concerned, also fall within the jurisdiction of local and regional authorities. Municipal and regional politicians have easier access than the average citizen to central administration authorities and as a result, they could present to higher authorities and pursue issues which are of crucial interest (such as land registry) to their citizens.  Municipal authorities also participate in regional authority associations (Περιφερειακές Ενώσεις Δήμων) and central authority associations (Κεντρική Ένωση Δήμων), and they have open communication channels with the ministers of the government in office. Unfortunately, we have never seen in the press any such proposals presented to higher authorities. If such coordinated proposals were to happen now, the land registry procedures could be simpified and the whole implementation process could be accelerated; administration procedures would be streamlined and citizens would benefit financially. Regrettably, such interventions did not happen, and as a result, we now do not have any specific proposals that could be used in the new national draft law regarding land registry that will soon be passed by the Parliament.

   It should be understood by all that the word “development” is not an abstract one, but requires a multi-effect approach and is based on complex requirements, one of the most important being the mobilisation of the citizens and their representatives.

                                                                                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

REFLECTION[1] ON THE 200TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE START OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION IN 1821

In the year 2021 we will be celebrating the 200th anniversary of the beginning of the Greek revolution. For some people, anniversaries of important historic events are an opportunity for self-promotion and personal gain. For others, who are wiser, these events are an opportunity for paying tribute to those who played a leading role in these events. Those who wish to reflect on important events in a deeper manner need to adopt a more comprehensive approach. They need not only examine the conditions which caused these historical events, but also their consequences in the years that followed. The anniversary of such an important event, the beginning of the Greek revolution, which led to the independence of our country, certainly makes us reflect on the events of that period, but also on other later situations and their consequences during the 200 years of the existence of the modern Greek state. Deep reflection on the historic events of the centuries before 1821 is also needed and is essential for self-awareness, as these facts defined the the course of action of our nation. The most important of these events are the dismantling of the Byzantine Empire by the crusaders of the Fourth Crusade in 1204, the Frankish rule (Φραγκοκρατία) which lasted about 150 years, and their effects on the Greek population, and on the inhabitants of the Peloponnese in particular. Of course, it was the Ottoman rule that had the largest effect on the Greek population, but we should also not overlook the effects of the 30-year Venetian rule (Eνετοκρατία) on the Peloponnese.

 

   Οur reflection should focus on the four different societal groups at the beginning of the revolution and their interrelations. These groups were: a) the militant groups (armed fighters) both on the land and in the sea with their leaders (“captains”), b) the local representatives of the Christian population during the Ottoman rule (“kotzabasides” and bishops), c) the leading Christian orthodox group in Constantinople (the elite class of “Fanariotes” and the patriarchate) and d) the Greek merchants and intellectuals who brought the Enlightment from Western Europe to Greece. All these four groups had different ideas about the revolution and participated in it in different ways. Upon examination of the deliberations in the national assemblies during the first years after the revolution, we notice that the goals and aspirations of these four groups were very similar. However, upon closer inspection, we notice that after the second national assembly in 1823, the assemblies were cancelled for about four years. Internal fighting, disputes and civil conflicts distanced these groups from the original purpose of the national assemblies. It seems that the original unity and mutual understanding between these four groups did not really have a sound base and that as time went by, the goals of these individuals and groups were changing according to their desire of power within the newly-founded nation. These observations lead us to further reflect as to whether these splits and divisions were actually overcome or were mutated into something else during the 200 years that followed the revolution.

 

  We should also reflect on the deep division that existed in the society, the clergy and the state officials during the last decades of the Byzantine empire, when these groups had to choose between East and West. We also need to examine how this division changed during the almost four centuries of the Ottoman occupation and how it has since influenced our customs, our way of thinking and our way of living during the 200 years of the modern Greek state.

 

Deep reflection is also necessary on the relations of the newly-founded Greek state with the western powers, both during the revolution and during the two centuries that have followed. We should examine why our politicians could not develop a steady national policy, but preferred to rely instead on  the great western powers of the time, by forming the English, the French and the Russian political parties.

 

   In Mani, even deeper reflection is necessary, and our conclusions should become the guidelines for our  future course. In particular, we should ask ourselves why during the first years of the revolution Maniots were able to form expeditionary forces with participants from all local groups, but later internal fighting and antagonism were getting more and more intense. We should also ask ourselves what the costs were for our ancestors and our area of the biggest part of our population siding with those who opposed the government of Capodistria, opposition which finally led to his assasination.

 

                                                                                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

[1] we define “reflection” as the active, persistent and systematic examination of every belief or alleged knowledge in the light of supporting arguments as well as the results of such an examination