Αρχείο κατηγορίας MAIN ARTICLES IN ENGLISH

2019 MAIN ARTICLES IN ENGLISH, εφημερίδα

LAND REGISTRY AND FOREST REGISTRY: BUREAUCRATIC INEFFICIENCIES PROVE THE INADEQUACY OF POLITICAL MANAGEMENT

   Land registry and forest registry are two big national projects, absolutely necessary for the modernisation of our country, so that there is certainty about land ownership status. Completion of these surveys will lead to security of ownership and will create the necessary conditions for the recovery οf the construction industry, which in turn will lead to tourist development and to more extensive crops. It is a positive element that the completion of these surveys was imposed by the EU through various memoranda (and paid by the EU) in order to spur growth in our country. For twenty years now, we have been receiving fat subsidies for the completion of these two projects, but we are still unable to finish them. This demonstrates the political inadequacy of the Greek governments, which in past years have been managing these overly generous subsidies. The governments in office failed not only because of incompetence, but also because they opted for implementation plans on the basis of personal interest. The ordinary citizens who were expecting that the completion of these processes would mean stability of their ownership status, now find themselves entangled in a long-term series of amendments to state decisions, renegotiations and adaptations of  public procurement contracts with contractors and subcontractors, bottlenecks in court battles, costly fees, and even worse, they have no idea when these vague, open-ended procedures will come to an end and registration for the whole land will be achieved.

   Recently published developments make the whole land and forestry registry situation even more uncertain. The Supreme Court has just ruled in favour of a citizen/land owner who claimed that essential data was not considered during the compilation of forest surveys in his perfecture. This has resulted in the annulment of all forest surveys for the whole perfecture, and it now creates a precedent for many more such claims on the part of land owners. The fact that during the last ten months since the implementation of the registration of agricultural land in the real estate cadastre only 20-25% of the land of Mani has been registered, leads us to the conclusion that even after the end of the latest extension of the registration deadline, not even half the land will have been registered. It is obvious that anything that has to do with the land and forest registration was conducted poorly and with the utmost sloppiness. Once more, the inefficiency of public administration negatively affects the average citizen. This has already been happening for some time as far as agricultural land and forest registration is concerned, but it will become even worse in the future, during the long remaining years until the completion of these two projects, which will lead to the modernisation of our country. Since the EU subsidies provided for this purpose have already been spent by various state governments, the high cost of the necessary registration procedures will be covered by the national budget, which means that the expenses will be rolled over to the average citizen through general and specific taxation. Once more, the public administration incompetence will become an additional financial burden for the Greek tax payers.

   The agricultural land and forest registration programs affect a large part of the population, larger than the number of residents in each municipality. These two projects are of major importance to society, and their handling, as far as both general guidelines and specific details are concerned, also fall within the jurisdiction of local and regional authorities. Municipal and regional politicians have easier access than the average citizen to central administration authorities and as a result, they could present to higher authorities and pursue issues which are of crucial interest (such as land registry) to their citizens.  Municipal authorities also participate in regional authority associations (Περιφερειακές Ενώσεις Δήμων) and central authority associations (Κεντρική Ένωση Δήμων), and they have open communication channels with the ministers of the government in office. Unfortunately, we have never seen in the press any such proposals presented to higher authorities. If such coordinated proposals were to happen now, the land registry procedures could be simpified and the whole implementation process could be accelerated; administration procedures would be streamlined and citizens would benefit financially. Regrettably, such interventions did not happen, and as a result, we now do not have any specific proposals that could be used in the new national draft law regarding land registry that will soon be passed by the Parliament.

   It should be understood by all that the word “development” is not an abstract one, but requires a multi-effect approach and is based on complex requirements, one of the most important being the mobilisation of the citizens and their representatives.

                                                                                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

REFLECTION[1] ON THE 200TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE START OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION IN 1821

2019 MAIN ARTICLES IN ENGLISH

In the year 2021 we will be celebrating the 200th anniversary of the beginning of the Greek revolution. For some people, anniversaries of important historic events are an opportunity for self-promotion and personal gain. For others, who are wiser, these events are an opportunity for paying tribute to those who played a leading role in these events. Those who wish to reflect on important events in a deeper manner need to adopt a more comprehensive approach. They need not only examine the conditions which caused these historical events, but also their consequences in the years that followed. The anniversary of such an important event, the beginning of the Greek revolution, which led to the independence of our country, certainly makes us reflect on the events of that period, but also on other later situations and their consequences during the 200 years of the existence of the modern Greek state. Deep reflection on the historic events of the centuries before 1821 is also needed and is essential for self-awareness, as these facts defined the the course of action of our nation. The most important of these events are the dismantling of the Byzantine Empire by the crusaders of the Fourth Crusade in 1204, the Frankish rule (Φραγκοκρατία) which lasted about 150 years, and their effects on the Greek population, and on the inhabitants of the Peloponnese in particular. Of course, it was the Ottoman rule that had the largest effect on the Greek population, but we should also not overlook the effects of the 30-year Venetian rule (Eνετοκρατία) on the Peloponnese.

 

   Οur reflection should focus on the four different societal groups at the beginning of the revolution and their interrelations. These groups were: a) the militant groups (armed fighters) both on the land and in the sea with their leaders (“captains”), b) the local representatives of the Christian population during the Ottoman rule (“kotzabasides” and bishops), c) the leading Christian orthodox group in Constantinople (the elite class of “Fanariotes” and the patriarchate) and d) the Greek merchants and intellectuals who brought the Enlightment from Western Europe to Greece. All these four groups had different ideas about the revolution and participated in it in different ways. Upon examination of the deliberations in the national assemblies during the first years after the revolution, we notice that the goals and aspirations of these four groups were very similar. However, upon closer inspection, we notice that after the second national assembly in 1823, the assemblies were cancelled for about four years. Internal fighting, disputes and civil conflicts distanced these groups from the original purpose of the national assemblies. It seems that the original unity and mutual understanding between these four groups did not really have a sound base and that as time went by, the goals of these individuals and groups were changing according to their desire of power within the newly-founded nation. These observations lead us to further reflect as to whether these splits and divisions were actually overcome or were mutated into something else during the 200 years that followed the revolution.

 

  We should also reflect on the deep division that existed in the society, the clergy and the state officials during the last decades of the Byzantine empire, when these groups had to choose between East and West. We also need to examine how this division changed during the almost four centuries of the Ottoman occupation and how it has since influenced our customs, our way of thinking and our way of living during the 200 years of the modern Greek state.

 

Deep reflection is also necessary on the relations of the newly-founded Greek state with the western powers, both during the revolution and during the two centuries that have followed. We should examine why our politicians could not develop a steady national policy, but preferred to rely instead on  the great western powers of the time, by forming the English, the French and the Russian political parties.

 

   In Mani, even deeper reflection is necessary, and our conclusions should become the guidelines for our  future course. In particular, we should ask ourselves why during the first years of the revolution Maniots were able to form expeditionary forces with participants from all local groups, but later internal fighting and antagonism were getting more and more intense. We should also ask ourselves what the costs were for our ancestors and our area of the biggest part of our population siding with those who opposed the government of Capodistria, opposition which finally led to his assasination.

 

                                                                                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

[1] we define “reflection” as the active, persistent and systematic examination of every belief or alleged knowledge in the light of supporting arguments as well as the results of such an examination

MANY QUESTIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE MUNICIPAL FOUR-YEAR TERM

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In this column we always try to present topics that are closely related to the future of Mani and Greece in general. We specifically focus on municipal issues, because it is the municipal infrastructures of Mani that bring probably the highest big-scale investments in our area.  Municipal investments affect positively or negatively the quality of life of all inhabitants and landowners of Mani. We need efficient municipal investments not only in big-scale undertakings by the region (Περιφέρεια) and both municipalities of Western and Eastern Mani (Δήμοι Δυτικής και Ανατολικής Μάνης), but also in small-scale works and the maintenance of existing public works, so that the Maniots and the visitors of Mani enjoy reasonable comfort and all necessitites. In the next few paragraphs we will try to examine a few issues that will have to be dealt with during the new municipal four-year term.

Firstly, the vagueness of the new pieces of legislation that were passed by the Greek Parliament this year does not help in administering municipal affairs. The changes in legislation create uncertainty in the personal goals of individuals and cause undue difficulty in the cooperation and discussions/consultations between citizens. The enforcement of proportional representation in municipal elections, without the necessary safeguards to avoid potential problems, has created uncertainty in the capability of the municipal government to efficiently manage even the most basic social commodities, such as water, electricity, waste management, road construction etc.

The recent legislative initiatives attempt to alleviate some of the uncertainties and insecurities of the original piece of legislation, which became evident after the municipal elections of May 26 and June 3 of this year. The provision for consultation and collaboration on a regular basis between the mayor and the regional governor (περιφερειάρχης) for the whole length of the four-year term is a factor for stability and the creation of a larger number of decision-makers. However, the transfer of responsibilities from the elected larger municipal or regional councils to the smaller committees or legal persons (with a majority of members from the party of the mayor or regional governor) makes us sceptical. The transfer of issues of minor importance to smaller governing bodies, with the possibility of a referral back to the municipal or regional councils, at the request of minority municipal or regional councilors, could be a step in the right direction, as it would take the congestion off the large councils. However, the provision that a smaller entity, such as a local representative of a small municipality needs to submit an alternative budget in order to vote against a budget submitted by the mayor or regional governor is very unrealistic.

Unrealistic and misguided is the provision of the new legislation that strips the small communities (κοινότητες) from the right to make their own decisions regarding the construction and maintenance of small-scale public works and which forces them to simply submit a proposal in this regard to the municipalities. Electing the local representatives (τοπικοί εκπρόσωποι) of each municipality (δήμος) with a separate ballot and ballot box gives them special democratic characteristics and hopefully enables them to respond quickly and efficiently to the needs of  the residents of their small communities. The bureaucratic bottlenecks that were the result of the 1998 and 2010 mergings meant a neglect of the local public infrastructures. The local representatives of these communities know best these needs and as a result, are the ones who could efficiently manage them.

In the previous paragraphs we have examined a few issues that need to be dealt during the new four-year municipal term. What is now needed is the willingness of the local politicians to rise above egotism and develop a climate of team work. Only with altruism and a sincere desire to work closely with others they will manage to exploit to the fullest the limited power that the central government gives to the municipal administration. This is particularly true in areas such as Mani, where entrepreneurial activity is limited , and where the two municipalities of Eastern and Western Mani are the main players for the development of the region and the improvement in the standard of living of the residents. As it has happened many times in the past, again in this new municipal four-year term, elected local politicians need to go beyond the traditional egotism that has characterised Maniots for centuries. If we put aside our personal interests and strive for the common good instead, then we can collaboratively make the right decisions and create the infrastructure that our area needs so desperately.

HOW HISTORIC EVENTS INFLUENCED THE LONG-TERM DEMOGRAPHICS OF MANI

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Finding out the family history and compiling a genealogical tree is not an easy task for Maniots, particularly for the periods before the foundation of the modern Greek state. At that time there were few official documents, and family archives were kept only by village leaders and merchants. These archives contain little information about the social activities and inter-territorial relations. This void is partially filled by historical knowledge. We know the important events between Greece and other states of each period, and in particular the course of diplomatic relations, the wars and the treaties with other countries. This kind of information gives us an idea of the social actitivies and the life in the areas that were affected by these events. Historic events define mass migrations and eventually the demographics of a particular area. During the pre-revolution era in particular, the demographics of Mani were greatly influenced by the historic events of that period. Maniots immigrated to other areas, but Mani also received a great number of people who came there from other areas. (On page 2 of every issue of our newspaper, MANIOT SOLIDARITY, you can find a lot of information on these mass migrations. The information relating to the historic events that caused these migrations has been classified in the first volume of our book PAGES FROM THE HISTORY OF MANI, and will be completed in the forthcoming second volume). 

   The main cause for the migration of many population groups in Mani, particularly in the pre-revolutionary era, was its strategic geographic location, as well as the combat readiness of its people and the good performance of Maniots in diplomacy. Mani’s geographic location was advantageous, because its coast was near the route of the merchant ships coming from ports in the West and heading towards the large urban centres of the East. Western European states were looking for alliances with Mani, which would protect their ships in case of adverse weather conditions and against pirate attacks. The excellent fighting skills and the combat readiness of the Maniots constituted a centuries-long tradition . The constant updating of these war skills and the familiarity with modern warfare made the Maniots sought-after allies, both in times of war and peace. Maniot priests and warlords were both equally competent negotiators, who examined the political situation of each period in a realistic and objective way, and then sided at the right time with the appropriate allies.

   The important events that influenced mass migrations during the two centuries before the foundation of the modern Greek state were the Ottoman invasions in Mani during the 17th century, the 30-year Venetian occupation that followed, and then the second Turkish occupation, which together with the period of “autonomous leadership” (αυτόνομη ηγεμονία) in Mani, lasted until the Greek war of independence in 1821. These historic events brought demographic changes in Mani, the effects of which continue to the present day. We will try to give here a brief account of these events. The invasion of strong Ottoman and Algerian forces in Kotronas Bay during the second decade of the 17th century resulted in the occupation of 80% of the territory of Mani and caused the first mass wave of immigration of Maniots to the West.  A second strong wave of immigration of Maniots occurred during the 1670’s, when, immediately after the occupation of Crete by Ottoman forces, the Turks built three forts in Mani (in Zarnata, Kelefa and Passava), and reinforced them with military and administrative personnel. The 30-year Venetian occupation that followed (1685-1710) led some Turks who had settled in the area to convert to Christianity and become permanent residents of Mani. The same happened to many Venetians who had settled in the area, after the new  Ottoman occupation of Mani, during the middle of the second decade of the 18th century. Finally, the last strong immigration wave towards Mani occurred in the eighth decade of the same century  by refugees from other regions, who were forced to leave their homes due to the Albanian terrorism[1] in the Peloponnese, after the suppression of the Orlov uprising by the Turks and the subsequent withdrawal of the Russian troops.

In most cases, the Maniot immigrants abroad got assimilated into their new countries. The same applied, even more strongly, to the immigrants who settled in Mani. They quickly got assimilated into the culture, customs and religious practices of Mani, and in some cases they strenthened with their talents the contribution of Mani to the Greek independence war. Traces of these mass movements can be still found today…

[1] This terrorism was caused by the Albanian mercenaries who had been hired by the Ottomans to help suppress the Orlov uprising; the Turkish authorities were unable to pay them their promised wages, and the mercenaries were left ravaging and plundering the villages of the Peloponnese.

 

CAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL PROTECTION CO-EXIST?

2019 MAIN ARTICLES IN ENGLISH, ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΦΥΛΛΟ ΠΟΥ ΚΥΚΛΟΦΟΡΕΙ, εφημερίδα

 

   The measures for the protection of the midde and the lower socio-economic class (which constitute the majority of citizens) are the most important issues during pre-election campaigns. The question is whether the measures promised during campaign periods are realistic. The results of the most recent elections have proven that the policy of overtaxing the middle class in order to subsidise the underclass did not bring any political advantage. Radical measures and redistribution policies, like the ones imposed by totalitarian systems which collapsed in the 1990’s, were also not effective. Political leaders are searching for politically effective measures, which will impress the electorate.

It seems that almost all political parties are trying to present programs, measures and policies that fall under the term “social market economy”. Social market economy is “a free market economic system, which conforms to the laws of supply and demand, and is directly overseen by the state, so that societal groups of reduced competitiveness, such as the elderly and the unemployed, are protected.” It will be interesting to see what the electorate will decide, i.e., which political party will be able to better implement social market economy policies. The difference in the proposed policies will depend on whether a political party favours statism (“all state”) or competition (“all market”).  In this article, we will concentrate on the following 5 questions:

1) Can an inflated public sector co-exist with the notion of social market economy? Is competitiveness possible in a state with an inflated public sector? Is it possible to lower the price of products and services and at the same time have profitable businesses, which in turn will be able to employ large numbers of people and make further investments?

2) Can a small public sector with limited scope, such as defense, security, public health, institutional protection through independent authorities and compulsory education, and also stringent supervision of economic competition, bring positive economic development for the population at large?

3) Should the social protection of those societal groups unable to be competitive, such as the elderly or unemployed, be provided only when there is no “free-riding” due to tax evasion and tax avoidance?

4) We live at a time of globalisation, when the prices of products and services are determined according to the production cost. In this society, can productivity only be improved through good training, technology and entrepreneurship? Are there any other ways for balancing the imports and exports of our country, or is the increase in productivity, so that prices are competitive, the only way?

5) After the traumatic experiences of the last ten years, has the majority of the electorate finally understood that distribution policies based on borrowing funds always lead to economic impasses? have they understood that the same conditions always produce the same results, and that in future it is advisable to steer clear of “false prosperity” policies?

Maniots have in their ancestry both of these concepts: the competitive process and the social protection. Our ancestors were practising these policies for many centuries, and we, their descendants, have inherited them. The many towers of Mani provided protection from the competition between families, which often ended in warfare. However, warfare did not exclude reconciliation, especially in times of urgency or shared objectives. The protection of the economically disadvantaged, who were recognized as equal members of the small society of each village, was always one of the main objectives.

CAN A SYNTHESIS OF PLURALISM IN THE MUNICIPAL SECTOR BE ACHIEVED IN A SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTIVE WAY?

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We believe that it is possible, but only under certain conditions. The first condition has to do with the reason for which candidates want to run in the municipal elections. The second condition is related to the establishment of the norms for a healthy competition between different ideas and proposals in these elections. In theory, it sounds as if these conditions can be easily met, however, in our country this is not a simple task. Of course, we do have some examples of local politicians who governed in the past in an honest way, they put the common good above their personal interests, were productive, left a legacy in the areas they governed, and their descendants are today enjoying a good reputation because of them. Unfortunately, in our time, the era of “homo economicus”, this kind of governance does not happen very often, and the results of poor administration are disastrous in many municipalities and regions.  

If the candidates and the elected politicians reflect on how they are going to balance their ambition and their ability for good administration, then good things will happen in the areas they represent. Problems will start if politicians are overly ambitious and overly confident about their management abilities. This leads to fraudulent situations with many negative results, one of which (not necessarily the worst) is the unwillingness to cooperate with the other elected politicians. When this happens, it leaves the door open for pursuing personal interest (not necessarily financial) transactions, which do not correspond to the common good or the needs of the societies that these politicians were elected to represent.

Humans, except for self-preservation instincts, also have innate ideas which connect them to society and nature. If politicians are guided in their administration by their higher selfless  ideas for the common good, then they will work closely together with other politicians, as required by the proportional representation system, and their self-preservation and ambitious ideas will be kept in check. When this happens, the pluralism of ideas and the exchange of opinions is rich, and the synthesis of these ideas is beneficial to everyone. One of the most useful things that elected politicians could do, would be to create an algorithm, based on sound criteria such as area, population, etc. of individual areas,  for the fair distribution of funds by the municipalities to local communities and by the administrative regions to regional units. In this way, the solidarity and the collaboration between the individual units, which constitute an administrative area, would be strengthened.

Unfortunately, political practice in our country, both in state and municipal politics, particularly in recent years, is not characterised by a spirit of compromise neither by social solidarity. It is very possible that this old and corrupted kind of practice will be continued by the new municipal leaders.  Whether regional agencies will be working for the common good depends greatly on the character of the newly-elected politicians. It is up to them to avoid personal interest deals, and to try to synthesise the ideas expressed by their electorate in a way that the highest number of people in their area is benefitted. If our politicians are inspired by a selfless way of thinking, then it is certain, that after a difficult beginning, they will be able to develop solid groundwork for future cooperation, which will benefit the area they represent.  This kind of healthy collaboration will also benefit the electorate, which will be thus encouraged to support the choices and decisions of their elected representatives.

We, as representatives of the association “Maniot Solidarity”, do not limit ourselves to being simple well-wishers for our newly-elected politicians in Mani and the Peloponnese in general. We state that we will be active, and we promise and that in our own small way will support initiatives and decisions like the ones we described above.

POLITICAL ETHICS: THE MOST IMPORTANT CRITERION IN THE UPCOMING ELECTIONS

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Political activism is a fundamental obligation for all citizens, especially for those who possess not only natural abilities and social solidarity skills, but also organisational and management skills, acquired through knowledge and experience during the course of their lives. Political activism based on ambition is not in itself reprehensible, as long as the political skills of a particular candidate exceed his or her ambition. History has shown that those nations, which elect politicians with high social solidarity skills, excellent organisational and managerial skills as well as ambition, have enjoyed peace and a high standard of living for a very long time.

 

The above thoughts are very relevant at present, now that legislation has enforced proportional representation in both the municipal and parliamentary elections. We have already witnessed an unusually high number of candidates in the municipal elections and a “flight” of current members of parliament from constituencies with few supporters of their political party. We have also seen misguided political events, tailored to the upcoming proportional representation elections. All of these activities show that in many cases, ambition surpasses the abilities, knowledge, organisational and managerial skills of candidates.  It seems that many candidates, in addition to ambition, also have strong personal interest motives, financial and otherwise. These situations are a source of great concern for the election of a competent government for our country in the near future, first in the municipal sector and then in the state sector, since both municipal and state elections are both taking place in the year 2019.

 

In other countries, the activities described in the previous paragraph could be dismissed as random and occasional. In Greece, however, at a time when we are trying to exit from the ten-year long financial crisis of our country, caused mainly by financial irregularities on both the individual and state level, these activities are a cause for alarm, danger and great insecurity for the future. We see that many candidates for the next elections are currently following the same practices that have brought the public sector to bankruptcy. We need to search for the causes that have led us to the present situation, and to find ways to avoid catastrophic consequences that always follow the kind of activities described above.

 

A study of the history of different countries and geographical regions in the world proves that political ethics is the basis for individual nations’ success. The citizens of nations, which for a long time have been governed with strong political ethics, have been enjoying high prosperity and social wellbeing. Unfortunately, in our country, political ethics is not one of our strengths. On the contrary, we have seen elaborate schemes of disguising the personal and political motives of some candidates and the parties they belong to. These schemes, combined with the political immaturity of many members of the electorate, often bring to power populist leaders. Once a populist government is elected, the negative consequences of its governance are simply a matter of time.  Post-election allowances given to certain groups which helped elect a particular candidate or political party, do not offer a permanent solution to the economic distress of these groups, nor contribute to balancing out financial irregularities among the citizens.  On the contrary, they create resentment among those who are heavily taxed, and who in effect are paying for the allowances given to elected politicians’ favourite target groups.

 

In countries which have enjoyed for many years stable conditions of social and economic balance, citizens are politically mature enough to see through political and self-serving schemes, and therefore populist governments are a short-lived and easily reversed phenomenon. In countries like ours, particularly in the present precarious circumstances, choosing political candidates irresponsibly can be suicidal, because it changes Greece from a country with an uncertain future to a country with no future at all. This is why it is imperative that the most important criterion for electing a political candidate should be his or her political ethics. Only in this way the municipities, prefectures and the state will finally have an ethical and responsible government, which can then build a reasonable future for the generations to come.

 

In the present difficult circumstances, the Greek electorate has a moral obligation to look beyond personal interests, friendships and family relations. We need to vote for those candidates who have displayed social solidarity, effectiveness, but most importantly, political ethics in their personal and professional lives.

MANIOT SOLIDARITY”:  20-YEAR ANNIVERSARY  –  CONCEPT AND EVOLUTION

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The current “Maniot Solidarity” is the 241st issue is our newspaper. This means that for 20 continuous years, our newspaper has been reaching its Maniot and philo-Maniot readers every single month, without interruption or multiple-month issues.

   At the beginning of 1999, when our association decided to publish a Maniot newspaper, we were not aware of the difficulties involved in such an undertaking. However, for those of us who were determined  to devote our precious free time to this effort, our love for Mani was stronger than the difficulties. For the past 20 years, we have kept researching and publishing data referring to the heritage that our ancestors have bequeathed to us, connecting elements of the past to the needs of the present and the prospects for the future. We have been envisaging a bright and prosperous future for Mani and its future generations. With optimism and strong will we are devoted to continuing our publication.

The course of our efforts has not always been smooth. We have encountered many obstacles in our path. Through team work and determination, the members of our association and its leaders managed to overcome these obstacles. Print media has been hit hard in recent years, and the economic crisis in our country has made matters even worse. We had to mobilise all our forces and resources in order to survive. We are grateful to our loyal readership who has supported us during these hard times. It is due to their support and our determination that we have managed to survive.

At the 10th anniversary of our newspaper, we decided to go further by expanding our publishing efforts. As our knowledge of the history and the evolution of social data in our area improved, we broadened our horizons, and ventured for the first time into the publication of books referring to Mani. Our publications so far have been: “Guide to Tourist Investments”, “Pages from the History of Mani, Volume I”, and “Western Mani: Sightseeing  Important Sites, Starting in Kalamata”. We continued with the publication of the 2-volume book “Travel Routes in Outer, Inner and Lower Mani and Vardounia” with detailed information on various villages.

   As the 20th anniversary of our newspaper drew near, our publishing efforts turned to electronic media. We have redesigned our website www.maniatiki.gr , which is being visited by a disproportionately high number of readers, given the small population of Mani. We have also completed the second volume of the book “Pages from the History of Mani”, which covers the historical period until the revolution of 1821, which will be published soon. Through both our printed and electronic press publications, we have strived to present to Maniots and philo-Maniots the history, geography, customs and traditions of Mani in a structured and objective way. We feel that in the multicultural Mani of today, it is our moral duty to showcase the long history of small Maniot societies and their achievements as well as their struggles for retaining their freedom and administrative autonomy through the centuries.

In closing this article, we think that is is timely to repeat an excerpt from the lead article of our first issue of April 1999: “By publishing this newspaper, we hope to fill a void. Mani is characterised by sparse settlements and populations. The infertile soil, the need for work and the civil conflicts have forced a high number of Maniots to emigrate to other areas of Greece and abroad. However, Maniots retain their main characteristics: their love for the land of their ancestors, its institutions, the activities of its inhabitants and their concern for a prosperous future. Our newspaper intends to inform on all these issues, as they are developing in the present time, so that Maniots can learn reliably and objectively the news of our area. Mani is an area integrated with its inhabitants, who through heredity and century-long living in the same physical area have developed a common way of life and have distinguished themselves in the Greek struggles for independence. Our newspaper will strive to locate relevant information and data in hard-to-find archives and resources , so that it becomes known to Maniots, and particularly young Maniots, and so that it can inspire all of us in our way forward.”

   On the occasion of our 20th anniversary, we assure our readers that today, in 2019, our newspaper continues on the same course. The main ideas which were expressed in the previous paragraphs should be considered as an open invitation to our younger readership, to align with the goals of our publishing efforts and prepare themselves for the future.

                                                                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

COMPREHENSIVE AREA DEVELOPMENT OF MANI: 25 YEARS OF UNTAPPED POTENTIAL

2019 MAIN ARTICLES IN ENGLISH

A few decades ago, two Greek prime-ministers, out of patriotism and ambitious national targets made two very important decisions for the future of our country. In 1980 Constantine Karamanlis achieved full membership of Greece in the EEC, and in 2000 Costas Simitis achieved membership of our country in the Eurozone. We believe that both these decisions were premature. These two prime-ministers did not realise that what was lacking was the political education of the Greek citizens. Greeks were unable to understand and assimilate the new rules that were governing this large transnational European family. Greek citizens were not mature enough to see beyond the personal gain, falsified figures, corruption and political bargaining. The consequence was that the very generous EU funds, which have been channelled to our country for the past forty years, have not been used for projects for the common good. The economic crisis, which broke out ten years ago, exposed the iceberg that had been created by the long-term incompetency of various political groups to make use of the high EU subsidies by providing common-good development benefits in their region. Mani is a good example of this incompetency and of not having used the EU funds in the best possible way.

In 1994 the EU announced a new initiative called “Leader II”, according to which there would be funding available for private and state investments. The geographic areas that would be receiving  funding should be homogeneous in terms of geography and having a population of under 20.000 people. Mani fell exactly in this category, and it was as if this programme had been designed specifically for our area! The small communities of Mani reacted with enthusiasm towards this new initiative. In no time, as prescribed by the EU, the limited liability agency “Development Enterprise of Mani” was formed, and was given 2,7 billion drachmas, 2/3 of which was meant to support private businesses with subsidies up to 60%, and the rest was meant to support public investments with 100% subsidy. The memorandum and articles of association of this agency were approved by the EU, and the projects were allocated fairly to different areas and municipalities of Mani. So that the selection of the proposed projects was fair and transparent, a 10-member evaluation committee was formed. The selection of the members of this committee was done during a convention of  the three development committees of Mani, with each committee contributing two engineers and one economist. The evaluation committee unanimously chose 32 investment projects from the 100 projects that were submitted, and it was the first to finish the selection procedure. Unfortunately, their choice of projects was not approved by the Greek Ministry of Agriculture and by some of the politicians of our region, who were after personal gain and were negatively influenced by businessmen who were unsuccessful bidders. They tried to cancel the selection, but the European Ministry of Agriculture intervened and went ahead with the funding to the 32 investment projects mentioned above. After all this, 2/3 of the funding was lost, a very important loss, since about half of this funding was for cultural investments. After two or three years, the agency “Development Enterprise of Mani” became inactive and the EU subsidies had all been spent!

In the next fifteen years only a few of the original private investment projects were materialised through the Comprehensive Programmes of Development of Rural Areas (OΠΑΑΧ), which was run by the Greek Ministry of Agriculture. In 2014 more EU funds were allocated to the thirteen regions of our country, and this subsidy resulted in more “Programmes of Comprehensive Area Development”. Unfortunately, the planning, the strategies and the allocation of the funds are no longer controlled by the local and municipal authorities, but by the thirteen areas (περιφέρειες) of our country!

    During the past 25 years there has been a concentration/centralisation trend in the planning and management of the EU development subsidies to areas of special interest, such as Mani.  Unfortunately, we are all guilty for this unfavourable outcome, because when we were given the opportunity to plan and carry out investment projects on our own, we did not take this chance; instead we supported those politicians who were looking after their personal interest. We still have not understood that a comprehensive development of our area, which has so many unspoiled features, can only be successful if it is based on unanimity, on common actions by local groups and on local politicians who have the required knowledge, experience and management skills. This is the only way to use the EU investment subsidies to Mani effectively and make the best use of the special features of our area.

                                                                                                                                                THE EDITORIAL BOARD

PRE-ELECTION PROMISES –  FIREWORKS AND POLITICAL MATURITY

2019 MAIN ARTICLES IN ENGLISH, Εφημερίδα

We are very close to the municipal elections (May 2019), the European parliamentary elections (also May 2019) and the Greek parliamentary elections (October 2019). Greek citizens will be able to evaluate past politician performances and decide on the best candidates. In law-abiding countries, integrity, political ethics and a merit-based approach in the elections have long been established, and the election process is quick and simple.  For those politicians who are presently in power and want to rerun in the next elections, the evaluation criteria should be based mainly on the work they produced during their term.  For the new candidates, the evaluation criteria should include the candidate’s objectivity, transparency and sound judgement , his/her engagement  in society at the local, national or European level, as well as his/her knowledge and skills in the management of complex projects.

Unfortunately, in our country, the evaluation criteria is often obscured by misleading and disorienting false information, such as the exaggeration of the work produced  and the skillful concealment of everything negative or inappropriate that was done during the term of politicians who wish to be reelected.  Even worse, during the pre-election period, the electorate is being inundated by pre-election promises – or “fireworks” –  false information lacking substance and credibility. This is usually done by the politicians in power. We are also inundated by inflated curricula vitae of the new aspiring candidates, which exaggerate their engagement in society as well as the administrative and leadership skills they have acquired through their professional or academic careers. The electorate should learn not to be so easily influenced, but to see through all this false information and evaluate the real qualifications of these candidates in an objective manner, whether they are already in political positions of power or whether they aspire to be. An informed electorate, which will base their voting decision on critical thinking, can help shape the new political scene and elect politicians who will strive for the common good and positive social results.

   To better illustrate the ideas presented above, we will refer to a 1989 characteristic pre-election promise – “firework” –  which misled and caused a lot of chagrin to thousands of Greek citizens.  In 1982 a new law in support of small businesses was passed, which promised to provide financial support (60% of the total estimated cost) to all new approved projects. This became a very strong incentive for many small businessmen, who rushed to submit all necessary documents and apply for subsidy at the Ministry of Economic Affairs. However, these businessmen did not know something very important:  the annual subsibies would be extremely limited. For years, many such proposals for small investment projects were submitted, but all the businessmen ever received was an official document approving the project, but no actual subsidy! This “firework” was exposed after the elections, when 4/5 of the proposed projects did not get any subsidy , while the remaining 1/5 of the projects were financed with a much smaller amount that the one that had been promised! We believe that many of the present new pre-election approvals of big projects that we often hear about are also of the “firework” type: for the most part there are no real subsidies, but even if there is financing, there is not enough time left between now and the elections to even prepare the feasibility studies and tender out the contracts!

Of course, political maturity is not something that is being inherited; it is a complex  process that is acquired through education and life experience. It should be added that political maturity can be learned mainly through the long-standing and smooth-functioning social institutions. When these institutions are characterised by integrity, they create the right political climate that educates the citizens. In our country, the prolonged economic crisis has proven the defective functioning of the fundamental social institutions, a fact that leads us to self-reflection about our own role in the crisis and also to a common conscientious undertaking in order to avoid new lending and making the same errors of the past. Unfortunately, the information overload, a result of the media omnipresence, is not an asset, particularly during pre-election periods. The information overload forces the average citizen to filter through all this data, and to use critical thinking, so that he/she can distinguish between the essence and the “firework” pre-election promises. The election of the right politicians during the municipal and parliamentary (both Greek and European) elections is the single most important factor for overcoming the economic crisis. Emerging from the present financial crisis does not happen through slogans and political statements, but through an honest, effective, collaborative and cohesive management of our public affairs by the politicians and the political parties that we ourselves will elect.