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Ο αυτοκινητόδρομος Πελοποννήσου ολοκληρώθηκε αλλά παραμένουν ακόμα  … ουρές του.

Ο κόμβος προ του ξενοδοχείου “Φωτεινή” στην έξοδο της Καλαμάτας προς τη Μάνη

Η ΜΑΝΙΑΤΙΚΗ ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ έχει τονίσει με έμφαση σε διαδοχικά δημοσιεύματά της, την εξαιρετικά ευεργετική επίδραση του αυτοκινητόδρομου Ανατολικής Πελοποννήσου που συνδέει την πρωτεύουσα με τις πρωτεύουσες Κορινθίας, Αρκαδίας, Μεσσηνίας και Λακωνίας. Οι θετικές επιπτώσεις του φάνηκαν σύντομα στην οικονομία και γενικότερα στην κοινωνία αυτών των περιοχών, αλλά και ειδικότερα στη Μάνη. Από τον αρχικό σχεδιασμό, φαίνεται ότι ξέφυγαν κάποιες λεπτομέρειες που, όμως, αναδείχθηκαν έντονα με τη λειτουργία του νέου αυτοκινητόδρομου. Μία από αυτές αντιμετωπίστηκε σύντομα και ριζικά, ενώ μία άλλη, με μεγάλη καθυστέρηση, φαίνεται ότι βρίσκεται σε διαδικασία αντιμετώπισης.  Σ` αυτές αναφέρεται το κείμενο που ακολουθεί.

Η πρώτη …ουρά αφορούσε στον κλάδο Λεύκτρο – Σπάρτη και στην ανάγκη να εξυπηρετούνται από τον αυτοκινητόδρομο τα χωριά κατά μήκος της διαδρομής, τα χωριά των Βορείων Δήμων σύμφωνα με την ορολογία που έχει καθιερωθεί στη Σπάρτη. Ο κόμβος στο Λογκανίκο όπου και τα διόδια δεν κάλυπτε αυτή την ανάγκη, γι` αυτό χρειαζόταν και δεύτερος κόμβος . Με τον ανισόπεδο Κόμβο Αγίου Κωνσταντίνου «Φουντέικα» που εγκαινιάστηκε στις 10 Αυγούστου, ένα περίπου χρόνο μετά τη λειτουργία του κλάδου Λεύκτρο – Σπάρτη του αυτοκινητόδρομου,  αντιμετωπίστηκε αυτό το θέμα. Έτσι, τελικά, συνδέονται οι τοπικοί οδοί με τις δύο κατευθύνσεις του αυτοκινητόδρομου.

Η δεύτερη … ουρά σχετίζεται με την έξοδο προς Μάνη του Περιμετρικού Δακτυλίου της Καλαμάτας, όπου καταλήγει ο αυτοκινητόδρομος. Ένα περίπου χιλιόμετρο μετά την κατάληξή του ο αυτοκινητόδρομος μεταφορτώνεται στην οδό Λακωνικής των Φαρών και Μάνης της Βέργας . Έχει, όμως, αυξημένο φόρτο οχημάτων, ιδιαίτερα το καλοκαίρι, που κατευθύνονται προς την Ανατολική Παραλία της  Καλαμάτας, παράλια Αβία και Μάνη. Μετά το ξενοδοχείο «Φωτεινή» η προέκταση του αυτοκινητόδρομου συναντά ΣΤΟΠ που από το μεγάλο φόρτο οχημάτων αδυνατεί να διαμορφώσει ομαλή κυκλοφορία προς Μάνη και να συμφορίζεται δημιουργώντας ουρές χιλιομέτρων, ιδιαίτερα τα καλοκαιρινά σαββατοκύριακα.

Ο δήμος Καλαμάτας έχει αναλάβει εδώ και καιρό πρωτοβουλίες για την προώθηση του θέματος (υλοποίηση απαλλοτριώσεων της δεκαετίας του 1970  και αγορά γης για τη δημιουργία κόμβου που, τελικά, θα εκτονώσει την κυκλοφορία των οχημάτων ( η ΜΑΝΙΑΤΙΚΗ ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ έχει αναφερθεί με δημοσιεύματά της, αρκετές φορές,  στο θέμα). Εδώ εμφανίζεται η … τρέλα της διοικητικής σύγχυσης. Να πιά είναι: Ο δρόμος που οδηγεί από την Καλαμάτα στη Μάνη είναι η 1η Επαρχιακή Οδός Μεσσηνίας που αποτελεί αρμοδιότητα της Περιφέρειας Πελοποννήσου. Ο δρόμος που συμβάλλει με την Επαρχιακή Οδό, δηλαδή η προέκταση της παραλιακής οδού Ναυαρίνου της Καλαμάτας που στην κατάληξή του θα δημιουργηθεί ο κόμβος, ανήκει στην τέως Κοινότητα Βέργας δηλαδή στο δήμο Καλαμάτας. Για να κατασκευαστεί ο κόμβος θα πρέπει να το αποφασίσει η Περιφέρεια Πελοποννήσου. Ήδη, μετά από δύο καλοκαίρια ταλαιπωρίας μπήκε, επί τέλους και  η υπογραφή του Περιφερειάρχη και οι οδηγοί που χρησιμοποιούν τη διαδρομή ευελπιστούν ότι σύντομα θα υλοποιηθεί και το σχετικό έργο της …ουράς του αυτοκινητόδρομου.

Η πολιτιστική κληρονομιά και η διαφύλαξη της (με αφορμή χαρακτηρισμού ως διατηρητέων δύο καλντιριμιών στη Δυτική Μάνη)

Kαλντερίμι στα Αλτομυρά

Το υπουργείο Πολιτισμού έχει την αρμοδιότητα για χαρακτηρισμό ως διατηρητέων στοιχείων της πολιτισμικής μας κληρονομιάς. Ποιος όμως έχει την ευθύνη εφαρμογής αυτών των αποφάσεων; Οι δήμοι, στους οποίους ανήκουν ιδιοκτησιακά κατά τεκμήριο οι δρόμοι (αγροτικοί ή δημοτικοί) ή οι αποκεντρωμένες υπηρεσίες του Υπουργείου; Δεδομένου ότι πριν από την υπουργική απόφαση χρειάζεται μόνο έκφραση γνώμης ή, και, πρόταση από τους δήμους συμπεραίνεται ότι την αρμοδιότητα έχει το όργανο που τελικά αποφασίζει. Πως, όμως, ασκείται αυτή η αρμοδιότητα; Υπάρχουν τακτικές επισκέψεις οργάνων του υπουργείου Πολιτισμού στα χαρακτηρισμένα μνημεία για έλεγχο τυχόν παρεμβάσεων σ` αυτά; Γίνεται διασταύρωση στοιχείων όταν το υπουργείο Πολιτισμού καλείται να γνωμοδοτήσει για την έκδοση οικοδομικών αδειών στις περιοχές που εκτείνονται τα καλντερίμια; Φαίνεται ότι στην πράξη τίποτα από αυτά δεν εφαρμόζεται. Ο προβληματισμός αυτός δημιουργήθηκε από την καθόλα θετική ενέργεια χαρακτηρισμού ως διατηρητέων δύο καλντιριμιών στη Δυτική Μάνη, ενός στη Δημοτική ενότητα Αβίας και ενός στη Δημοτική Ενότητα Λεύκτρου, όπως αναλυτικά περιγράφονται στη συνέχεια.

Με Υπουργική Απόφαση που δημοσιεύθηκε στην Εφημερίδα της Κυβερνήσεως στα τέλη του 2016, χαρακτηρίστηκαν ως μνημεία, 1) το λιθόστρωτο μονοπάτι που συνδέει τον οικισμό της Δροσοπηγής του Τοπικού Διαμερίσματος Σωτηριάνικων, με τον οικισμό Τούμπια της Τοπικής Κοινότητας Κάμπου και  2) η λιθόκτιστη γέφυρα Μαρβινίτσας από την οποία διέρχεται το λιθόστρωτο μονοπάτι, του Δήμου Δυτικής Μάνης , φερόμενης ιδιοκτησίας Δήμου Δυτικής Μάνης διότι αποτελούν τεκμήρια της τεχνικής, οικονομικής, πολιτιστικής και πολιτισμικής ανάπτυξης της περιοχής στα μέσα του 19ου αιώνα και 20ου αιώνα.

Με Υπουργική Απόφαση που δημοσιεύθηκε στην Εφημερίδα της Κυβερνήσεως στα τέλη του 2013, χαρακτηρίστηκε ως μνημείο το παλαιό λιθόστρωτο μονοπάτι που συνδέει τους οικισμούς Πλάτσα και Κοτρώνι, στο Δήμο Δυτικής

Μάνης, συνολικού μήκους 1.300 περίπου μέτρων με τις ξερολιθιές των παρειών του, διότι αποτελεί έργο λαϊκής αρχιτεκτονικής και παραδοσιακής

τέχνης και κατασκευής, και είναι ιστορικά συνδεδεμένο με την κοινωνική και οικονομική ανάπτυξη της περιοχής.

Κατόπιν αυτών, σύμφωνα με την ισχύουσα νομοθεσία, απαγορεύεται οποιαδήποτε επέμβαση επί των ανωτέρω μνημείων (επισκευή, συντήρηση, προσθήκη) ή οποιαδήποτε οικοδομική δραστηριότητα πλησίον αυτών, χωρίς προηγουμένως να ζητηθεί η έγκριση του Υπουργείου Πολιτισμού και Αθλητισμού δια των αρμοδίων Υπηρεσιών του (Διεύθυνση Προστασίας και Αναστήλωσης Νεώτερων και Σύγχρονων Μνημείων.

PUBLIC FINANCES: WHY IS THERE AN IMBALANCE BETWEEN REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE?

In Mathematics, an equation is the equality of two quantities, whereby the first value consists of known data, and the second consists of data that needs to be defined. An equation is a mathematical expression that defines the equality of two sides. The term “equation” is used widely and can be applied to any problem that needs to be solved. In order for an equation to be successfully solved, it is necessary to define the unknown variables, after careful processing of the known variables. It is very important that both the given data of the first part of the equation and the requested data of the second part are very clear.

 In public finances, the most common equation is the one that refers to equality of revenue and expenditure. If the state revenue and spending are not equal, a new variable enters the equation: debt. What makes the equation more specific is the kind of revenue and expenses, which is defined by government policies. These policies define the kind of taxes and the societal groups that will be paying them, as well as the kind of state expenditure and the societal groups that will benefit from this public spending. Our description of the above public finance equation might sound complicated, however, the equation is workable, and we believe that it can be an effective model of managing state finances, as long as there is clarity of the equation data, which is in direct correlation with the clarity of the government policies.

Now comes the question: “how do we clearly define the data for both the state revenue and the state expenditure?” At first glance, the answer is simple: the first part of the equation (the state revenue) can be stabilised by the clarity and transparency of the government decisions. Two other factors are equally important: a) coherent and comprehensive legislation and b) an effective enforcement mechanism of the government decisions. However, as far as these two factors are concerned, our country is far behind other European countries, and the end result is that government spending exceeds revenue. At first glance, the fragmented and confusing legislation can be attributed to lack of knowledge and lack of competence on the part of our political leaders; however, upon closer examination,  it can also be attributed to ulterior motives, since political leaders can use this ambiguous legislation in order to benefit persons or societal groups of their liking.

The answer to the second part of the equation (the state expenditure) is also simple: government expenditures should provide the most benefit to the society as a whole. Many mathematical models can be developed to represent this idea in mathematical terms, however, our political leaders need to provide us with figures that are reliable, objective and precise. Public spending should be defined by transparency,  and the distribution of funds should be geared towards investment and not consumption; this kind of spending truly benefits as many individuals and societal groups as possible. If, however, public spending is done for ulterior motives (i.e., if our political leaders spend the state funds on those people who have voted for them, so that they can get re-elected during the next term), then an imbalance between public revenue and expenditure is created, and this imbalance affects the whole political system. We have experienced this imbalance for many years, and many individuals and groups have suffered financial ruin as a result. The relation between achieved results and money spent is extremely disappointing. The inflation of public spending, without any real benefit to the Greek people as a whole, has led our country to a huge debt, which all citizens are asked to repay. This is extremely unfair to those who did not benefit from this extreme public spending. Unfortunately, with few exceptions, our political leaders continue to waste money and to follow policies which have created a huge imbalance in the equation between revenue and state expenditures.

     In our editorials, we have many times showcased the formula which was applied by families in Mani for a very long time: first, they made full use of their land and animal resources and they limited their expenses to the absolutely necessary. When they could not balance their income and their expenses, they worked as “day labourers”, tending the land and taking care of the animals of farmers in the neighbouring villages. In this way, not only they achieved balance of the family budget, but were also able to finance the studies of their children who wanted to continue their education. This could be a good model to our political leaders, so that they can also achieve balance between public revenue and expenses; it is their obligation to keep their promise to their electorate.

ΠΕΝΘΗ – ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΣ 2017

ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΓΙΑΝΝΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ

Πάνδημη τελέστηκε, στον Άγιο Γεώργιο Καλαμάτας, το Σάββατο 19 Αυγούστου η κηδεία του αλησμόνητου Γιώργου Γιαννόπουλου. Υπήρξε ένας καλός άνθρωπος, υπόδειγμα στην κοινωνία του τόπου μας. Επί σειρά ετών υπηρέτησε ως Δημοτικός Σύμβουλος και Αντιδήμαρχος στο δήμο Καλαμάτας.

Έμπορος αγροτικών προϊόντων στο επάγγελμα, διακρινόταν για την πραότητά του, τη σύνεση αλλά και για την τιμιότητα και την ηθική του. Βασική του αρχή ήταν η ικανοποίηση του πελάτη κατά τον καλύτερο τρόπο, αφού ήταν συντοπίτης του αλλά και σε πολλές περιπτώσεις συγγενής του.

Διατηρούσε ισχυρούς δεσμούς με τη Μάνη που τους δυνάμωνε ακόμη περισσότερο η ισχυρή δυναμική της συζύγου του Ευανθίας, το γένος Μουστάκα, από το Νομιτσή Δυτικής Μάνης. Στυλοβάτης δίπλα του στις καλές αλλά και στις δύσκολες στιγμές της ζωής τους. Πλήρης ημερών άφησε πίσω του παιδιά και εγγόνια που πρέπει να νοιώθουν υπερήφανοι για τον σύζυγο, πατέρα, αδελφό, παππού και πάνω από όλα για τον άνθρωπο Γιώργο Γιαννόπουλο και τον αδαμάντινο χαρακτήρα του.

Έχαιρε καθολικής εκτίμησης για την ευγένειά του, την ανθρωπιά του και την προσφορά του σε κάθε αδύναμο που είχε την ανάγκη του.

Ήρεμος, γενναίος και πάντα γελαστός αντιμετώπισε με καρτερία και αξιοπρέπεια το κάλεσμα του χάρου, δίνοντας τις ευχές του στα παιδιά του και εγγόνια του.

Εμείς θα τον θυμόμαστε με σεβασμό, τιμώντας τη μνήμη του.

Αντώνης Ρουμανέας

ΠΕΝΘΗ – ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΣ 2017

ΑΛΕΞΗΣ ΣΤ. ΜΠΑΚΕΑΣ

Ο Αλέξης ήταν από τις πιο οικείες σε μένα μορφές. Με την οικειότητα να προκύπτει πρώτιστα από την ίδια τη μορφή του, αλλά και να ενισχύεται από τη συχνότητα των συναντήσεών μας.

Τον θυμάμαι από τα μικρά μου χρόνια σε πολλές φάσεις της ζωής του. Κατά τη δεκαετία του 1950 καμαρωτός στη ναυτική στολή, όταν υπηρετούσε τη στρατιωτική του θητεία. Στη συνέχεια συντονιστής στις αγροτικές οικογενειακές ενασχολήσεις, μετά τις παντρειές των δύο μεγαλύτερων αδελφών του, με επιδίωξη να παντρέψει πρώτα τις δύο μεγαλωμένες αδερφάδες και μετά να αποκατασταθεί ο ίδιος. Τα κατάφερε μετά από αρκετά χρόνια και έτσι, μεσόκοπος, παντρεύτηκε τη Δέσποινα Μανωλέα από τις Θαλάμες και απέκτησαν την Παναγιώτα και το Σταύρο. Ο μόχθος του συνεχίστηκε τόσο στις αγροτοκτηνοτροφικές ενασχολήσεις όσο και  για τη ριζική επισκευή του παλιού σπιτιού τους που βρίσκεται δίπλα από παπουδικό δικό μου, εκεί όπου κατοικώ τα 30 τελευταία χρόνια. Έτσι οι καλημέρες μας ήταν πολλές και πάντα εγκάρδιες όλα αυτά τα χρόνια.

Ο Αλέξης ήταν κλασσικός τύπος ήσυχου Μανιάτη. Φροντίδα για την οικογένεια, αποκατάσταση των θηλυκών, μόχθος στο χωράφι, θρησκευτικότητα πηγαία. Με το ζήλο που δημιουργείται για κάτι που η επιθυμία είναι μεγάλη,  έμαθε να ψέλνει μελωδικά και χωρίς λάθη και να αναγιγνώσκει τα κείμενα από τα εκκλησιαστικά βιβλία που το τυπικά έχει προσδιορίσει, με χρώμα και σταθερότητα. Συμμέτοχος σε όλους τους εσπερινούς και τις λειτουργίες, σε εκκλησιαστικές γιορτές και τελετές, στήριζε για δεκαετίες την ομαλή διεξαγωγή τους, όπως παραδοσιακά τις είχε προσεγγίσει στα νιάτα του.

Υπηρετούσα ως εκπαιδευτικός στην Καρδαμύλη όταν τα παιδιά του έφθασαν σε ηλικία φοίτησης στο Γυμνάσιο – Λύκειο. Σε όλες τις πρωτοβουλίες για αναβάθμιση της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης στην Καρδαμύλη (ποιοτική αναβάθμιση Γυμνασίου, ίδρυση και στέγαση Λυκείου, τεχνικά έργα στο προαύλιο του σχολείου) ο Αλέξης ήταν ενεργά παρών. Πασχίζοντας για τα παιδιά του κατ` αρχή, αλλά έχοντας και διευρυμένους ορίζοντες,  συμβάλλοντας σημαντικά και στο γενικότερο εκπαιδευτικό έργο.

Τα τελευταία χρόνια ο οργανισμός του αδυνάτισε, το γλαύκωμα τον εμπόδιζε στο ψάλσιμο, το ίδιο και η μείωση της ακοής του. Στη συνέχεια και τα πόδια του άρχισαν να τον προδίνουν. Παρόλα αυτά ξαναβρήκε, για λίγο διάστημα δύναμη και κουράγιο όταν ο Σταύρος, μεγαλωμένος αρκετά και αυτός, παντρεύτηκε και πρόφθασε να δει βαφτισμένο το νεώτερο Αλέξη Μπακέα. Στα χέρια της υπομονετικής συζύγου του και με τη μόνιμη  έγνοια γι` αυτόν από το Σταύρο, «έφυγε» πλήρης ημερών στα 91 χρόνια του. Φάνηκε σα να αναγίγνωσκε το: ¨Νυν απολύεις τον δούλο σου, Δέσποτα…», κείμενο που απέδιδε με ιδιαίτερη ευγλωττία την εκκλησιαστική ακολουθία.

Νίκος Ευστρ. Μαραμπέας

EPIC BATTLES AGAINST THE OTTOMANS SINCE 1570 AND DURING THE FIRST DECADES OF THE 17TH CENTURY

  1. The strategic importance of Porto Kagio and the actions for the erection and demolition of the castle in the period 1569-1570

“In 1569 some important events turned the attention of the sultan to Peloponnese. The rebellion of the Maniots in Peloponnese led captain pasha to bring back the order. Ten ships arrived to Mani in order to rebuild a castle that would control the descendants of Sparta (according to the 24th May 1569 report of the Venetian Barbaro, as it is mentioned in the work of the Austrian Hammer: ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΟΘΩΜΑΝΙΚΗΣ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΙΑΣ, volume 5, page 39)”.

The castle which was built in 1569 (Turciotogli-Olimnionas or Monige as it was called by the Venetians and Castro di Maina as it was called by the locals) was occupied by the Venetian admiral Querini in June 1570. The occupation took place during his way from Hania towards Corfu with landing operation from the sea but also with the simultaneous attack of a force from land with the help of the Maniots of the area. The operation was rather easy under the combined fires from sea and land. The Turks in the beginning gathered in one of the towers of the castle and, following, under the pressure of the attackers who turned the rest of the canons against them, they surrendered with a treaty. After its occupation, the castle was demolished so as not to be used again in the future nor impede the sail of the Venetian fleet towards the Aegean and Crete, whereas Querini took with him all the ammunition of the castle and its defendants as prisoners.

The fact of the demolition of the castle is indirectly attested by Turkish documents which were published in the following years and to which there are mentioned cancellations of sending soldiers there. For this reason, in the next period the Ottomans in their operations from the sea use mostly landings to the bay of Kolokythia (Kotrona).

The demolition of the castle which equals with the eviction of the Ottomans from the only secure place of surveillance of Mani is accompanied by intense rebellious feelings; the first sign being the intrusion to the neighbouring Turkish areas, such as Kalamata to the west and Sidirokastro and Bardounia to the east. The military actions were victorious and forced the Turks to deprive themselves in the castles of those areas. During this revolutionary period 1570-1571 the Maniots asked from the Venetians arms in order to achieve the occupation of a castle that would protect them in case of counterattack of the Ottomans with powerful troops as well as their protection from the sea in case there showed up in the area a Turkish fleet.

During this period there are two operations of the Maniots mentioned in the sea centred in the area of Porto Kagio. In the first one, the inhabitants of Lagia imprisoned the Turkish commercial ship (fousta), which transferred wheat and fat. The attackers Maniots from Lagia apart from the merchandise arrested 12 prisoners. In the second one, while the Venetian ship which was at porto Kagio was after a small Turkish boat that had approached Marmari coming from Hania the three passengers came out to the shore to save themselves and were arrested by the Maniots. One of them was the agas of the castle Porto Kagio which had been conquered the year before. It seems that he was set free from the first imprisonment but came back to the area to evaluate the possibility of rebuilding the castle and he was imprisoned again by the Maniots this time.

  1. The Pasha of Ioannina Aslan campaigns in 1614 to Mani. Events that happened before and after.

Ba. The “supervision” of the movements of the Maniots by the Turks.

The participation of the Maniots in all the revolutionary movements during the 17th century had led the Turks to the formation of a system of supervision with the construction or maintenance of castles at the borders of Mani. This system, after the demolition of the castle built in Porto Kagio by the Venetians and the Maniots, included the castles of Passava, Bardounia, Arna and Sidirokastro. The first one closely observed the movements of the ships in the sea, whereas the rest aimed at the control of the attacks outside Mani to the areas that were under the Turkish rule. The Passava castle due to the close distance from the sea was rather vulnerable to assaults. As mentioned by Hammer to his work History of the Ottoman Empire, it was occupied in 1600 by the Maniots. From the files that came out to the light of research there is information relevant to this event regarding the time that its occupation lasted.

However, we can assume that this movement resulted from the encouragement of the Maniots by the presence of the Christian fleet at their coasts, either Spanish or of the knights of Saint John that before a few decades had been defeated by the Turks and were evicted to Rhodes and were in search of a secure dwelling and at that time they ended up in Malta after the permission of the French. In order to deal with all these leagues the Turks appointed duties to the pirates of North Africa having formed a long lasting cooperation with them. After the death of the famous pirate Hairedin Barbarosa, the control of the seaways to the Mediterranean on behalf of the Turks passed on to the Muslim pirate Musolin Reis.

Bb. The battles of 1614 and the strategic success of Musolin Reis.

In 1614 a new military success of the Maniots started, although it ended up with a strategic defeat. The area where the events took place was the bay of Kolokythia (Kotronas) for the naval operations and the northern mountainous area for the land operations. The encouragement of the Maniots by the arrival of a great number of Spanish ships to Porto Kagio led them to attack the neighboring Turkish castles that resulted to the occupation of Passava and the loss of the life of 500 Turks. This event, though, pushed the sultan to send powerful force of army headed by the pasha of Ioannina Aslan and fleet headed by the Muslim pirate Musolin Reis, who knew the land of Mani due to pirate operations in the previous years.

The last one with a strategic ploy, faking withdrawal, surrounded the combatant Maniot bodies, whereas the Turkish forces occupied a large part of the Maniot land (four out of the seven big mountains), whereas in the battles almost 600 Maniots lost their lives. After the pursuit of the Maniot troops and their push off to the mountainous areas, the Turkish army returned to their bases collecting many of the animals the Maniots had taken with them when they had left for the mountains. They also arrested hundreds of prisoners, even those who came for negotiation. The loot of the campaign was collected at the Turkish ships that had anchored below the fortress of Neokastro at the port of Pylos.

For this success, Musolin Reis was rewarded with the administration of Mystras (that apart from Laconia went up to Messinia, up to the area of Methoni). The Maniots afterwards pulled back to the mountains (shelters and cages), and those that were left in the lowland temporarily accepted the situation and the payment of tax that was imposed on them. These events took place in August and September 1614 and the winner Musolin Reis had already planned in the following year to campaign from Mystra in order to occupy the rest part of Mani. (Characteristic narration of the events derives from the files of Venice, where from the historian K. Mertzios drew documents with the relevant information that were collected by the Venetian officers from their spies in Mani and from sailor men who realized the commercial trips amongst Zante that was under the Venetian rule and the neighboring areas. In the appendix three of them are published)

APPENDIX

  1. Zante 8th September 1614. The Intendant submits to the Doge the report of the sent spy as soon as he came back from Mani.

Testimony of Dionysios Athinaios sent to Moreas: “Eight days ago I arrived to the arm of Mani at the location Passava, where the Turkish army was. They told me that the Turkish fleet sailed off to Navarino, where they arrived after two days and saw 75 Turkish galleys anchored there. I heard that within a distance of 15 miles at the location Prodano, two Turkish ships had been sent by Kapoudan Pasha in order to spy the movements of the Spanish fleet. They were attacked by two Spanish ships and after a short fray the Turkish ships were captured by the Spanish. They say that the Turkish army consisted by 30.000 men and that amongst them there are 7 Greeks, Turkish subjects. They arrived from the neighboring places and 2000 more Turks with guns and they were all ready to campaign against the Maniots, as the Turks were furious against them since the Maniots had killed in the recent time almost 500 Turks, whereas they only had lost 60 men dead or prisoners. Asked how many were the Maniots that can carry guns, he replied that they are about 20.000, under different captains who are waiting with great eagerness the Spanish fleet without the help of which they cannot do it as they don’t have enough ammunition and if it is needed they will escape to the mountains. When he was asked where the Maniots keep their families, he replied that they are secured in the caves. It is said that the Turks lack food and that the Maniots have burnt the grass of the plains in order to deprive the animals of the Turks from food and poisoned some of the wells, whereas they kept for their own use other hidden wells, unknown to the Turks….”

Bc. The military events of 1615 (new intrusion and defeat of Muselin Reis and return of Aslan Pasha). The luck of the Maniot prisoners in 1614.

The first months of 1615, Muselin Reis set off from Mystras with 1000 armed soldiers in order to complete the occupation of Mani and to collect the submission taxes in the areas he had conquered the previous year. In the areas of Mani, he passed from, he asked the inhabitants to surrender their guns. In one of these visits, according to what is described by the spies of Venice, a priest replied to him that Maniots were not women and they wouldn’t surrender their guns. Then, Muselin Reis ordered his men to beat the priest and then hang him. This event infuriated the Maniots who attacked the armed soldiers and after a vicious battle, beat them, killing 800 of them and massacred Musolin Reis. Only 200 of them managed to escape.

In order to deal with the situation after the murder of Musolin Reis by the Maniots, Aslan the Pasha of Ioannina was ordered to come back to Mani so as to bring back the order in the area. For this reason he waited apart from the land forces and reinforcements via sea from the Pashas of Evia and Nauplio according to the promise of the Bezir Xalil who was at that time Kapoudan Pasha.

The Spanish who were informed about the success of the Ottomans in 1614 in Mani and the military events at the beginning of 1615 sent to the Maniot waters at the end of the summer, their ships for nautical surveillance and obstruction of the Turkish fleet. Aslan Pasha who had gathered 25.000 armed men attempted with this excessive military force to submit the west areas of Mani that were still free. He attempted to come close to the mountainous regions starting from Kalamata, whereas the centre of his operations was the Byzantine Zarnata (Kabos Avias). The Spanish fleet that from Porto Kagio entered the Messinia Bay (Koroni Bay, as it was called at that time) with an intelligent plan decimated the Turkish troops that took the ships for their own. This Spanish contribution and the fact that winter was approaching, during which all military operations, especially in the mountains, stopped.

Finally, all though he approached the hideouts where the Maniot soldiers had escaped to, he didn’t manage to have a battle and so the situation after his departure remained with the Ottoman occupation in its typical form, considering that the majority of the inhabitants had left to the mountainous areas of Taygetus and lived free.

It is certain that Aslan Pasha after the definite withdrawal from Mani took with him the Maniots as his prisoners in 1614. In combination with another information for the actions of the bishop of Mani for the liberation of his compatriots in 1616, but also with a relevant tradition of the inhabitants of the island of the lake of Ioannina, they are the descendants of the Maniot prisoners of 1614.

Appendix: a) report of the Intendant of Zante to the Doge of Venice relative to the narrated events, b) extract relevant to the bishop of Mani from a report of the Intendant of Corfu to the Doge and c) publication of Con. Mertzios for the inhabitants of the island of Ioannina to «Ηπειρωτική Εστία» In 1961.

 

ECCLESIASTIC PAGES OF MANI: EPISCOPATE OF KARYOUPOLI AND MONASTERY AGIOS JEORGIOS GYTHION

  1. Introduction

The development of Gythion (Marathonisi according to the medieval name) during the recent past starts with the occupation of the Passava castle  in 1781 and the expansion of the borders of Mani up to Trinisa and the area over there. Then, they realized the great importance of the port and vast migration started from other areas of Mani and also from Lacedaemon and other areas in further distances. The migrations, at the 40 years that followed, up to the revolution in 1821 but also in the following decades after the foundation of the new Hellenic state are directly connected to the need to find a building place. This would be preferable to be close to the port where from the commercial activity of the general area of Laconia took place. Under these necessities social events are formed in this period which are connected to the Sacred Monastery of Agios Jeorgios in Gythion which nowadays is Agios Jeorgios, the Metropolitan cathedral of Gythion.

  1. The beginning of the foundation of the Monastery

The Monastery of Agios Jeorgios was the glebe of the sacred Monastery Zerbitsa, which in its turn was Stavropigian Monastery under the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. The devoting action of the families Grigorakis and Kalkandis who were the main donators of the land from which the monks made a living goes back to 1759 (in the appendix A the devoting action is published, as it was saved at the monastery Zerbitsa). The area of Gyhtion where the monastery was, submits to the Episcopate Karyoupoli, whereas  close to Zerbitsa Monastery was the Episcopate Maltsini, in the village Melitini of Bardounohoria. These Episcopates didn’t have administrative jurisdiction to the Monasteries, the Abbots of which were appointed by the Sacred Congress of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the administrative and spiritual activities were realized after the agreement of the Patriarchate.

The reason that led to the particular action of donation is not known, it is inferred by the condition that exists in it, according to which the donators wished that the administration of the assets of the monastery is done by the abbot to appointment of whom they would agree. It seems that the passing of this jurisdiction to the Patriarchate and the Congress created safety for the handling of the donations according to the purposes for which the donation took place.

  1. Actions for the change of use to the land of the Monastery

From the pre-Revolutionary texts which are maintained at the files of the Sacred Monastery Zerbitsa, it is obvious that the big real estate fortune of the Monastery of Agios Jeorgios in combination to the great demand of land  near the port led to attempts to offer the land without the agreement of the abbot-council. The ones who acted like that were the Metropolitan of Lacedaemon Daniel and one of the fallen Patriarchs. It seems that these actions didn’t come through until the revolution in 1821 and the monastery preserved its assets. This is realized by the will of the monk Paisios (published in the Appendix B) which gives at the same time important information about the life at Gythion in 1808.

  1. The developments after 1821

The ecclesiastic organization in the liberated new-Hellenic state soon ended in the foundation of the independent church of Greece which consisted of the Episcopates and the Monasteries in the geographical area of the Greek State at that time. The Monastery of Agios Jeorgios became part of the Episcopate Karyoupoli, its center was Karyoupoli in the beginning and Gythion later on. Soon it was renamed to Episcopate of Gythion in the first years of the 20th century and was united with the Episcopate Vytilo to which the Episcopates of West Mani had merged and became the Metropolis of Gythion and Vytilo which is the ecclesiastic expression all over Mani.

APPENDIX A

THE DEVOTING ACT TO THE MONASTERY OF GRIGORIANOS AND KALKANDIDOS FAMILY

13th February 1759, the monastery Agios Jeorgios in Marathonisi.

With the present letter, we, the following committee of Gligorianos and Kalantianis family certify;  today we found it reasonable and because of our good will and the memorial service of our parents and ours, and we offer all that there is at the monastery of Marathonisi of the respectable monastery of the sacred monastery of so called Theotokos Zerpiztiotisa and with the present abbot priest Joachim Mavrodakis and we bonded both so that the saint abbot takes care of it with the guidance of God and the grace of the saint Jeorgios. We make it clear with the death of the abbot that we are asked, the above committee, for the management, in order to record the belongings of the monastery one by one; cows 11, sheep and goats 30, sauce pan with lid 1, frying pan 1, gun 1 and fishing boat 1 and the land of the monastery at the old town 2 pieces; at Kotzirianika 1 piece.

This is how the present document ends and is signed and was given to the widow of the above abbot

We declare the above Gligorianos and Kalkantianos family